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第一篇：名人英語演講稿

Several months ago, the Trump Administration instructed the Department of Education to prioritize STEM education, especially computer science, in our schools. The guidance we offered directed that these programs be designed with gender and racial diversity in mind.

At the direction of the President, I have worked closely with leadership across government Agencies to prioritize workforce development and proven on-the-job training programs like apprenticeships so that young women C and men C have more opportunities to earn while they learn, provide for their families, and master the skills that drive progress in the 21st century.

Finally, we must empower women who live in countries that prevent them from leading.

Across the world, there are still laws that stop women from fully participating in their nation’s economy.

In some countries, women are not allowed to own property, travel freely, or work outside of the home without the consent of their husbands.

Countries like the United States and Japan cannot be complacent. We must continue to champion reforms in our own countries while also empowering women in restricted economies.

第二篇：名人的經(jīng)典英語演講稿

As Americans gather to celebrate this week, we show our gratitude for the many blessings in our lives. We are grateful for our friends and families who fill our lives with purpose and love. We're grateful for our beautiful country, and for the prosperity we enjoy. We're grateful for the chance to live, work and worship in freedom. And in this Thanksgiving week, we offer thanks and praise to the provider of all these gifts, Almighty God.

We also recognize our duty to share our blessings with the least among us. Throughout the holiday season, schools, churches, synagogues and other generous organizations gather food and clothing for their neighbors in need. Many young people give part of their holiday to volunteer at homeless shelters or food pantries. On Thanksgiving, and on every day of the year, America is a more hopeful nation because of the volunteers who serve the weak and the vulnerable.

The Thanksgiving tradition of compassion and humility dates back to the earliest days of our society. And through the years, our deepest gratitude has often been inspired by the most difficult times. Almost four centuries ago, the pilgrims set aside time to thank God after suffering through a bitter winter. George Washington held Thanksgiving during a trying stay at Valley Forge. And President Lincoln revived the Thanksgiving tradition in the midst of a civil war.

The past year has brought many challenges to our nation, and Americans have met every one with energy, optimism and faith. After lifting our economy from a recession, manufacturers and entrepreneurs are creating jobs again. Volunteers from across the country came together to help hurricane victims rebuild. And when the children of Beslan, Russia suffered a brutal terrorist attack, the world saw America's generous heart in an outpouring of compassion and relief.

The greatest challenges of our time have come to the men and women who protect our nation. We're fortunate to have dedicated firefighters and police officers to keep our streets safe. We're grateful for the homeland security and intelligence personnel who spend long hours on faithful watch. And we give thanks to the men and women of our military who are serving with courage and skill, and making our entire nation proud.

第三篇：名人的經(jīng)典英語演講稿

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity.

But one hundred years later, we must face the tragic fact that the Negro is still not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we have come here today to dramatize an appalling condition.

In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.

So we have come to cash this check -- a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of God's children. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the determination of the Negro. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pauntil there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.

第四篇：名人英語演講稿

Inaugural Address

On a frigid Winter's day, January 20, 1961, John Fitzgerald Kennedy took the oath of office as the 35th President of the United States. At age 43, he was the youngest man and the first Roman Catholic ever elected. He had won by one of the smallest margins of victory, only 115,000 popular votes. This is the speech he delivered announcing the dawn of a new era as young Americans born in the 20th century first assumed leadership of the Nation.

Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.

The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.

We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans, born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.

Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.

This much we pledge and more.

To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided, there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.

To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.

To those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required, not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.

To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge -- to convert our good words into good deeds in a new alliance for progress -- to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.

To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective -- to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.

Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request -- that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.

We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.

But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.

So let us begin anew, remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate.

Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.

Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.

Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.

Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah -- to undo the heavy burdens...and let the oppressed go free.

And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.

All this will not be finished in the first 100 days. Nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.

In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.

Now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as a call to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation -- a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.

Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility -- I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it -- and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.

And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you -- ask what you can do for your country.

My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.

John F. Kennedy - January 20, 1961

第五篇：中國名人演講稿

-楊瀾

在我去蘇格蘭的前一晚，中國達(dá)人秀邀請(qǐng)我到上海主持總決賽體育館的現(xiàn)場(chǎng)有八萬名觀眾。知道特別嘉賓是誰嗎?蘇珊大媽。我告訴她：我明天要去蘇格蘭。

她不但歌聲非常動(dòng)聽，還學(xué)會(huì)了說幾句中文。她說：送你蔥這句話的意思不是你好，謝謝，那類的話。送你蔥意思是免費(fèi)的大蔥。她為什么要說這句話呢?

因?yàn)樗湍闶[是來自有著中國蘇珊大媽之稱的一位五十多歲在上海賣菜的女?dāng)傌?，她非常喜歡西方歌劇，但她不懂歌詞的意思也不會(huì)說英語，法語，或是意大利語，所以她以獨(dú)特的方式來記歌詞將歌詞全部換成蔬菜名。(笑聲)

意大利歌劇公主徹夜未眠的最后一句她當(dāng)時(shí)就是以送你蔥來演唱的。當(dāng)蘇珊大媽說了這句話的時(shí)候，現(xiàn)場(chǎng)的八萬名觀眾一起跟著唱了起來。當(dāng)時(shí)的場(chǎng)面十分有趣。

我想蘇珊大媽還有那位上海的賣菜大嬸都有她們的獨(dú)特之處。

大家通常會(huì)覺得她們無法在娛樂圈這個(gè)行業(yè)里闖出天下，但是才能和勇氣讓她們得到了肯定。

一場(chǎng)秀和一個(gè)平臺(tái)讓她們有了一個(gè)可以圓夢(mèng)的舞臺(tái)。

其實(shí)要與眾不同不是什么難事。我們都有獨(dú)特之處，可以從不同的角度來看。我覺得與眾不同其實(shí)很好，因?yàn)槟阌胁煌南敕?。你也許可以在某一方面有影響。

我這個(gè)年代的人是幸運(yùn)的我們目睹并參與了中國歷史性的變化。在過去的二，三十年里中國發(fā)生了很多變化。

我還記得1990年的時(shí)候。我剛好讀完大學(xué)，我當(dāng)時(shí)申請(qǐng)了一個(gè)營銷的工作地點(diǎn)是北京的一個(gè)五賓館，這個(gè)賓館現(xiàn)在還有，叫喜來登長城飯店。

在被一位日本經(jīng)理詢問了半小時(shí)之后，他在面試要結(jié)束時(shí)說，楊小姐，你有問題要問我嗎?我鼓起了勇氣，鎮(zhèn)定地問：你能不能告訴我，你們賣什么的?

因?yàn)槲耶?dāng)時(shí)完全不知道一個(gè)五飯店的銷售部要做什么。那是我第一次走進(jìn)一家五飯店。

與此同時(shí)，我參加了由中國國家電臺(tái)舉辦的試聽會(huì)這是第一個(gè)向大眾開放的試聽會(huì)現(xiàn)場(chǎng)還有上千名的女大生。制作人告訴我們他們?cè)谡姨鹈?，單純和漂亮的新面孔?/p>

當(dāng)輪到我的時(shí)候，我起身問道，為什么在電視上的女人一定要長得漂亮，甜美，單純還要配合度高?為什么她們不能有自己的想法說自己的話?我以為我的話可能有點(diǎn)冒犯了評(píng)委。

但我的話反而得到了他們的認(rèn)同。因此我進(jìn)入了第二回合，然后第三，第四。在第七回合比賽結(jié)束后，我戰(zhàn)勝了所有的選手。我也因此在加入了黃金檔的一個(gè)節(jié)目。

你也許不敢相信，這個(gè)節(jié)目是中國第一個(gè)允許主持人表達(dá)他們自己的想法他們不需要念之前寫好的稿。(掌聲)我當(dāng)時(shí)每周的觀眾人數(shù)達(dá)到2-3億。

幾年以后，我決定去美國的哥倫比亞大學(xué)讀研究所，同時(shí)也創(chuàng)辦了自己的媒體公司，這個(gè)想法在我剛剛?cè)胄械臅r(shí)候并不存在。

公司的項(xiàng)目分很多類。我訪問過的人數(shù)已經(jīng)過千。有時(shí)候年輕人會(huì)對(duì)我說：楊瀾姐，你改變了我的人生。

這些話讓我感到驕傲。我覺我這代人很幸運(yùn)因?yàn)槲覀兛吹搅苏麄€(gè)國家的興起。北京競(jìng)標(biāo)奧運(yùn)的舉辦權(quán)我有在場(chǎng)。我也代表了上海市博會(huì)。

我看到了中國擁抱全世界也看到了全世界擁抱中國。

但我有時(shí)會(huì)想，現(xiàn)在的年輕人到底要做什么?他們到底有什么不同之處，有什么樣的變化會(huì)因他們而產(chǎn)生這些變化會(huì)怎樣改變中國，甚至整個(gè)世界?

所以我今天的話題是關(guān)于年輕一代通過社交媒體的平臺(tái)來認(rèn)識(shí)他們。

首先，他們是誰?長得什么樣?照片上的女孩叫郭美美20歲，很漂亮。在她的微博上，她炫耀了自己的包，衣服，還有車在她的微博上，微博是中國版的Twitter。

她還說自己是商會(huì)紅十字會(huì)在商會(huì)的一名經(jīng)理。她沒有想到她的舉動(dòng)引起了大眾的敏感導(dǎo)致了一場(chǎng)全國性的質(zhì)問，差一點(diǎn)變成一場(chǎng)針對(duì)紅十字會(huì)的_。

這場(chǎng)爭(zhēng)論非常激烈以至于紅十字會(huì)開了一場(chǎng)記者會(huì)來澄清郭美美事件，該事件也因此被調(diào)查。

現(xiàn)今為止，公眾已知道郭美美給自己捏造了紅十字會(huì)經(jīng)理的職位也許是因?yàn)樗矚g慈善二字。她的那些奢侈品是男朋友送的禮物她的男友之前是一名董事會(huì)成員在商會(huì)紅十字會(huì)下屬的一個(gè)部門工作。

這個(gè)解釋起來有點(diǎn)困難。盡管如此，公眾憤怒仍未平息。熱論還在進(jìn)行中。這個(gè)事件說明了民眾對(duì)政府機(jī)構(gòu)或是政府所支持的機(jī)構(gòu)的不信任，而這些機(jī)構(gòu)在過去都不夠透明。

這個(gè)事件也說明了社交網(wǎng)站的力量和影響。微博就是個(gè)很好的例子。

微博在2010年興起，訪客人數(shù)翻倍瀏覽時(shí)間更是之前的三倍。單是新浪網(wǎng)，一個(gè)主要的新聞網(wǎng)站，就有超過1.4億的微博用戶。騰訊網(wǎng):2億。

有最多人關(guān)注的用戶不是我是個(gè)電影女演員，她有超過九百五十萬的跟隨者，網(wǎng)上的叫法是粉絲。大約有80%的微博用戶都是年輕人，年齡在30歲以下。

大家應(yīng)該都知道傳統(tǒng)媒體依然由政府控制，社交網(wǎng)站提供了一個(gè)平臺(tái)讓大家可以表達(dá)自己的不滿。

因?yàn)槠渌钠脚_(tái)不多，來自社交網(wǎng)站的激憤有時(shí)可以變得非常強(qiáng)烈，非?；钴S甚至帶有暴力。

通過微博，我們可以進(jìn)一步地了解在中國年輕的一代。但他們到底有什么不同之處?

第一，他們大部分是80后和90后，出生在一胎化政策的年代。因?yàn)橛辛诉x擇性的流產(chǎn)很多家長選擇要男不要女，后果就是現(xiàn)今男人的數(shù)量超出女人數(shù)量的3千萬。

這個(gè)差別讓社會(huì)存在一種潛在危險(xiǎn)，但沒人敢確定;因?yàn)槲覀兩钤谝粋€(gè)全球化的世界，男生們可以到其它國家找女友。年輕人里的大多數(shù)都受過不錯(cuò)的教育。中國這一代的文盲人數(shù)少于百分之一。

在城市里，有80%的學(xué)生上大學(xué)。但他們面對(duì)的是一個(gè)在變化的中國今年，年齡超過65的人口已經(jīng)達(dá)到百分之7點(diǎn)幾，到2030年人口老化會(huì)達(dá)到15%。

大家也許知道我們的傳統(tǒng)是年輕的這一代有義務(wù)供養(yǎng)老的一代，在他們生病時(shí)候照顧他們。這意味著已成家的年輕人將需要供養(yǎng)4位父母他們的預(yù)期壽命是73歲。

他們的工作時(shí)間長薪水卻相對(duì)較少，社會(huì)福利也不多。很多因素都會(huì)影響他們像失業(yè)，通貨膨脹，銀行貸款政策緊縮，人民幣升值，或是歐美國家對(duì)中國產(chǎn)品需求的下降。

去年，一場(chǎng)悲劇在中國南方的設(shè)備生產(chǎn)工廠發(fā)生了：13名工人年紀(jì)在20歲左右自殺，就像是一場(chǎng)傳染病一樣。只是死亡原因不同。整個(gè)事件引起了社會(huì)的關(guān)注。大家開始關(guān)心這些工人身體和心理上的孤單。

有些選擇返回鄉(xiāng)村的人，當(dāng)?shù)厝耸謿g迎他們回鄉(xiāng)。

因?yàn)樗麄冊(cè)诔鞘蝎@得了知識(shí)，技術(shù)，和人際關(guān)系，通過互聯(lián)網(wǎng)的幫助，他們可以創(chuàng)造更多工作，在發(fā)展較落后的地區(qū)將農(nóng)業(yè)升級(jí)并創(chuàng)造更多商機(jī)。

過去幾年里，在臨海區(qū)域，出現(xiàn)勞動(dòng)力短缺的現(xiàn)象。

這些圖表顯示一個(gè)更概括的社會(huì)狀況。第一個(gè)是恩格爾系數(shù)，它解釋了每天生活必需的花費(fèi)的百分比在過去的10年內(nèi)，從家庭收入的角度來看，已經(jīng)下降到37%。

但是在過去的兩年里，這個(gè)比例上漲到39%，這說明了生活花費(fèi)在上升。吉尼系數(shù)顯示已經(jīng)過了0.4的警戒線。現(xiàn)在是0.5比美國還差說明的收入不平等。

你能看到整個(gè)社會(huì)都感到沮喪因?yàn)樗麄兪チ艘徊糠值牧鲃?dòng)性。同時(shí)，針對(duì)富人和有權(quán)利人士的怨恨與憎恨開始蔓延。

所以各種對(duì)腐敗或是官商勾結(jié)的指控都可造成社會(huì)的譴責(zé)甚至動(dòng)亂。

通過觀察微博上一些最熱門的話題，我們可以更了解年輕的一代。

社會(huì)公正與政府責(zé)任是他們最關(guān)心的問題。在過去的十年里，大量的城市化發(fā)展讓我們看見了很多有關(guān)強(qiáng)拆私人住宅的報(bào)導(dǎo)。

這些新聞引起了年輕人的不滿和失望。過程中有時(shí)有人死亡，也有人以自焚來_。當(dāng)這類報(bào)導(dǎo)大量在互聯(lián)網(wǎng)上出現(xiàn)的時(shí)候，人們強(qiáng)烈要求政府出面制止。

好消息是在今年早期，國務(wù)院在房屋申請(qǐng)和拆建方面頒布了一項(xiàng)新政策同時(shí)允許法庭傳喚那些強(qiáng)拆的地方政府官員。還有很有其它讓民眾擔(dān)憂的問題在互聯(lián)網(wǎng)上受到了強(qiáng)烈議論。

大家應(yīng)該都聽說過空氣污染，水源污染，有毒食品。但應(yīng)該不知道我們還發(fā)明了山寨版牛肉吧。這種牛肉精包含多種成分如果你把它們涂在雞肉或是魚肉上面，那就雞魚肉看起來就像牛肉了。

最近，民眾們開始擔(dān)心食用油，原因是有上千的人發(fā)現(xiàn)餐館使用的油是加工過的陰溝油。

心就好。

在這張圖片里，是一種很流行的現(xiàn)象叫做裸婚。

他們不是在婚禮上不穿衣服，但已經(jīng)決定要在沒有車房，沒有鉆戒沒有婚宴的情況下結(jié)為夫婦，來實(shí)現(xiàn)他們對(duì)真愛的承諾。

通過社交媒體，人們還做了有很多意義的事。這張圖片上展示了一臺(tái)卡車上的500只將會(huì)被加工成食物的流浪狗和被綁架的狗在高速路上被發(fā)現(xiàn)和停了下來整個(gè)國家都在微博上關(guān)注此事件。有人捐錢，捐狗糧志愿去停下那臺(tái)卡車。

幾小時(shí)的協(xié)商后，這500只狗獲救了。同時(shí)也有人幫助找走失的孩童。這位爸爸將兒子的圖片上傳到網(wǎng)上，在成千上萬的轉(zhuǎn)發(fā)后，孩子找到了，我們通過微博見證了一家的團(tuán)聚。

幸福是最近兩年里聽到最多次的詞語。幸福不單只是和個(gè)人經(jīng)歷和價(jià)值相關(guān)，它也同樣關(guān)系到我們的環(huán)境。

人們?cè)谒伎歼@些問題：我們到底應(yīng)不應(yīng)該犧牲我們的環(huán)境來換取GDP的增長?我們應(yīng)該如何來實(shí)現(xiàn)社會(huì)和政治的改革才能趕上經(jīng)濟(jì)的增長，讓發(fā)展更持續(xù)和更穩(wěn)定?

還有，自行糾正的制度到底有多大的能力讓人們?cè)谶@么多沖突的情況下還能感到滿足?

我想民眾們會(huì)給這些問題一個(gè)答案。我們年輕的一代將會(huì)改變他們的國家同時(shí)也改變了自己。

第六篇：名人的經(jīng)典英語演講稿

Eliminating or easing legal and cultural barriers so that more parents can make the choices that are right for their families is a core mission for our generation. We don’t label men “working men.” And it is my hope that by the time my daughter Arabella grows into a woman she will not be defined by whether she works inside or outside the home. She will simply be a woman, afforded the same opportunities as her male peers and equipped with the education and support she needs to fulfill her unique potential.

This is how I believe we will empower women C and in so doing, enable them to raise confident, empathetic, and ambitious sons and daughters, to propel unprecedented growth and job creation, and to cultivate a society that embraces the fullness of life, the dignity of work, and the gift of strong and flourishing families.

So today, I hope you will join me in imagining this future and working together to make it a reality- for our children, for our nations, and for the hope of a more vibrant and inclusive economy.