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第一篇：國(guó)旗下演講稿范文

尊敬的老師、親愛(ài)的同學(xué)們：上午好!

經(jīng)過(guò)了一個(gè)短暫而充實(shí)的國(guó)慶小長(zhǎng)假，我們又回到了熟悉的校園。佳節(jié)美景，盛滿(mǎn)著濃濃的愛(ài)意，溫暖的親情彌漫在心里的每一個(gè)角落。很高興，今天有這樣的機(jī)會(huì)跟大家暢享有關(guān)“感恩”的話(huà)題。今天我講話(huà)的題目是《學(xué)會(huì)感恩享受幸?！?。

有恩有愛(ài)，是人類(lèi)生活中最燦爛、最絢麗的文明之花，滴水之恩，涌泉相報(bào)，是人類(lèi)廣為傳誦的美德。感恩，是人之常情、事之常理，懂得感恩，也是做人的基本條件之一。感恩，是一種生活態(tài)度，是一次內(nèi)心獨(dú)白，是一片肺腑之言，是一份銘心之謝。

我國(guó)是一個(gè)歷史悠久的文明古國(guó)，以“禮儀之邦”聞名于世。古人歷來(lái)重視道德修養(yǎng)和文明禮貌，自古就有“施恩不圖報(bào)”的美德，但也有“知恩不報(bào)非君子”的古訓(xùn)。有“鴉有反哺之義，羊有跪乳之恩”的名句，更有“吃水不忘打井人”的處世信條。每個(gè)人不僅應(yīng)該孝敬父母、尊敬師長(zhǎng)，而且對(duì)于曾經(jīng)幫助過(guò)自己的人，也應(yīng)該報(bào)之以發(fā)自?xún)?nèi)心的感激，正是因?yàn)橛辛诉@些人的付出和愛(ài)心，才使得我們的世界如此溫馨和美麗。

感恩學(xué)校，為我們提供了良好的學(xué)習(xí)生活平臺(tái);感恩校長(zhǎng)，先進(jìn)的理念、率先垂范的品德為我們樹(shù)立了行動(dòng)的楷模;感恩所有的老師，那皺紋和白發(fā)是引領(lǐng)我們?cè)谥R(shí)海洋遨游的見(jiàn)證;感恩伙伴，是他們與我們一起分享生活中的點(diǎn)點(diǎn)滴滴;感恩美麗清新的校園，翠竹搖曳，垂柳飄拂，讓我們匆忙的腳步增添了幾多愜意，讓我們追逐著我們的夢(mèng)，對(duì)生命充滿(mǎn)著無(wú)限的渴望;感恩明亮寬敞的教室，感恩與我們朝夕相處的桌椅……感恩在我們生命中，所有所有的給予我們支持、幫助和關(guān)懷的人和事物。感恩他們，是他們，我們的生命才會(huì)流光溢彩。

有位哲人說(shuō)過(guò)：幸福就是感恩。同學(xué)們，你有一顆感恩的心嗎?心動(dòng)不如行動(dòng)!感恩于心，回報(bào)于行!我們必須作出一些回報(bào)。感恩，從我做起，從小事做起!我們可以主動(dòng)地掃地、洗碗、洗衣，為父母分擔(dān)一些力所能及的家務(wù)，努力做一個(gè)讓父母放心的好孩子;我們可以做到認(rèn)真聽(tīng)課，完成好各科作業(yè)，用最好的成績(jī)換得老師欣慰的笑容;我們可以做到不隨地亂扔垃圾，爭(zhēng)做環(huán)保小衛(wèi)士，回報(bào)學(xué)校對(duì)我們的培育。我們還要感恩我們共同的母親，她就是祖國(guó)母親。沒(méi)有祖國(guó)的繁榮昌盛，就沒(méi)有我們所擁有的一切!

感恩無(wú)邊，一句話(huà)語(yǔ)，一個(gè)行動(dòng)，都能表達(dá)和詮釋感謝的真諦;感恩無(wú)痕，一份努力，一點(diǎn)進(jìn)步，都能傳達(dá)和感受真情的力量。同學(xué)們，學(xué)會(huì)感恩，就能享受幸福。讓我們用一顆感恩的心去體味世間的溫暖，用快樂(lè)的心境去涂抹生命的顏色，用勤奮與執(zhí)著去演繹自己精彩的人生。謝謝大家!

第二篇：國(guó)旗下演講稿范文

如細(xì)雨，溫婉纏綿;如輕風(fēng)，盈盈多情;更如那盎然的綠，那飄落的花瓣在柔波似的心田漾起的漣漪，這就是人間五月天。

一葉、一花、一世界，一言、一行、一文明。美麗若要永恒，首先要講文明。 千百年來(lái)，禮儀之風(fēng)傳承至今，我國(guó)素以“文明古國(guó)”、“禮儀之邦”著稱(chēng)于世。在當(dāng)今的社會(huì)，上到國(guó)家元首互訪，下至平民百姓的交往，從政壇巨匠的微笑到商界名家的握手，更是閃耀著文明禮儀的光輝。荀子云：“不學(xué)禮無(wú)以立，人無(wú)禮則不生，事無(wú)禮則不成，國(guó)無(wú)禮則不寧?！?文明禮儀是我們學(xué)習(xí)、生活的根基，是我們健康成長(zhǎng)的臂膀。

文明包羅萬(wàn)象。其一所謂思想高尚，就是要做到思想純潔。魯迅先生說(shuō)：“中國(guó)欲存爭(zhēng)于天下，其首在立人，人立而后凡事舉?！薄傲⑷恕钡囊馑急闶且晟迫说乃枷牒臀拿餍摒B(yǎng)。也正如古人所說(shuō)的：格物、致知、誠(chéng)意、正心、修身。完善個(gè)人道德修養(yǎng)，便有了推進(jìn)社會(huì)公共文明的基礎(chǔ)。其二所謂樂(lè)于助人，就是要多幫助一些自己能幫助且該幫助的人，幫助過(guò)的人多了，快樂(lè)也就多了，心情自然也就好了，這也就是幫助了別人，快樂(lè)了自己。

禮儀，作為在人類(lèi)歷史發(fā)展中逐漸形成并積累下來(lái)的一種文化，始終以某種精神的約束力支配著我們的行為。禮儀是人類(lèi)文明進(jìn)步的重要標(biāo)志，是適應(yīng)時(shí)代發(fā)展、促進(jìn)個(gè)人進(jìn)步和成功的重要途徑。禮儀的重要性，在于它有助于培養(yǎng)積極的心態(tài)，養(yǎng)成高度的自制力和高超的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)才能，建立自信心，塑造迷人的個(gè)性，它讓你看起來(lái)充滿(mǎn)熱情，富有合作精神，保持身心健康，這些都是成功不可或缺的因素。

文明禮貌其實(shí)很簡(jiǎn)單，它就在我們身邊。它是飽含善良的問(wèn)候，是充滿(mǎn)溫情的雙手，是同學(xué)有難時(shí)的熱情幫助，是見(jiàn)到師長(zhǎng)時(shí)的問(wèn)早問(wèn)好。它是一種品質(zhì)，更是一種修養(yǎng)。

有人說(shuō)：“如果你失去了金錢(qián)，你不算失敗，因?yàn)槿松膬r(jià)值不在金錢(qián);但如果你失去了文明禮貌，你是徹徹底底的失敗，因?yàn)槟阋呀?jīng)失去了做人的真諦。”是啊，同學(xué)們，讓我們從自己做起，從現(xiàn)在做起!讓文明不再是外在強(qiáng)加的約束，而是內(nèi)化的集體自律;讓文明不再只是純粹的理念，而是我們每個(gè)人的自覺(jué)言行!

國(guó)旗下演講稿范文

第三篇：勵(lì)志英文演講稿

Winston Churchill presented his Sinews of Peace, (the Iron Curtain Speech), at Westminster College in Fulton, Missouri on March 5, 1946.

President McCluer, ladies and gentlemen, and last, but certainly not least, the President of the United States of America:

I am very glad indeed to come to Westminster College this afternoon, and I am complimented that you should give me a degree from an institution whose reputation has been so solidly established. The name "Westminster" somehow or other seems familiar to me. I feel as if I have heard of it before. Indeed now that I come to think of it, it was at Westminster that I received a very large part of my education in politics, dialectic, rhetoric, and one or two other things. In fact we have both been educated at the same, or similar, or, at any rate, kindred establishments.

It is also an honor, ladies and gentlemen, perhaps almost unique, for a private visitor to be introduced to an academic audience by the President of the United States. Amid his heavy burdens, duties, and responsibilitiesCunsought but not recoiled fromCthe President has traveled a thousand miles to dignify and magnify our meeting here to-day and to give me an opportunity of addressing this kindred nation, as well as my own countrymen across the ocean, and perhaps some other countries too. The President has told you that it is his wish, as I am sure it is yours, that I should have full liberty to give my true and faithful counsel in these anxious and baffling times. I shall certainly avail myself of this freedom, and feel the more right to do so because any private ambitions I may have cherished in my younger days have been satisfied beyond my wildest dreams. Let me however make it clear that I have no official mission or status of any kind, and that I speak only for myself. There is nothing here but what you see.

I can therefore allow my mind, with the experience of a lifetime, to play over the problems which beset us on the morrow of our absolute victory in arms, and to try to make sure with what strength I have that what has gained with so much sacrifice and suffering shall be preserved for the future glory and safety of mankind.

Ladies and gentlemen, the United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn moment for the American Democracy. For with primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. If you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here and now, clear and shining for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the after-time. It is necessary that the constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall rule and guide the conduct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement.

President McCluer, when American military men approach some serious situation they are wont to write at the head of their directive the words "over-all strategic concept". There is wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought. What then is the over-all strategic concept which we should inscribe to-day? It is nothing less than the safety and welfare, the freedom and progress, of all the homes and families of all the men and women in all the lands. And here I speak particularly of the myriad cottage or apartment homes where the wage-earner strives amid the accidents and difficulties of life to guard his wife and children from privation and bring the family up the fear of the Lord, or upon ethical conceptions which often play their potent part.

To give security to these countless homes, they must be shielded form two gaunt marauders, war and tyranny. We al know the frightful disturbance in which the ordinary family is plunged when the curse of war swoops down upon the bread-winner and those for whom he works and contrives. The awful ruin of Europe, with all its vanished glories, and of large parts of Asia glares us in the eyes. When the designs of wicked men or the aggressive urge of mighty States dissolve over large areas the frame of civilized society, humble folk are confronted with difficulties with which they cannot cope. For them is all distorted, all is broken, all is even ground to pulp.

When I stand here this quiet afternoon I shudder to visualize what is actually happening to millions now and what is going to happen in this period when famine stalks the earth. None can compute what has been called "the unestimated sum of human pain". Our supreme task and duty is to guard the homes of the common people from the horrors and miseries of another war. We are all agreed on that.

Our American military colleagues, after having proclaimed their "over-all strategic concept" and computed available resources, always proceed to the next step ― namely, the method. Here again there is widespread agreement. A world organization has already been erected for the prime purpose of preventing war. UNO, the successor of the League of Nations, with the decisive addition of the United States and all that that means, is already at work. We must make sure that its work is fruitful, that it is a reality and not a sham, that it is a force for action, and not merely a frothing of words, that it is a true temple of peace in which the shields of many nations can some day be hung up, and not merely a cockpit in a Tower of Babel. Before we cast away the solid assurances of national armaments for self-preservation we must be certain that our temple is built, not upon shifting sands or quagmires, but upon a rock. Anyone can see with his eyes open that our path will be difficult and also long, but if we persevere together as we did in the two world wars ― though not, alas, in the interval between them ― I cannot doubt that we shall achieve our common purpose in the end.

I have, however, a definite and practical proposal to make for action. Courts and magistrates may be set up but they cannot function without sheriffs and constables. The United Nations Organization must immediately begin to be equipped with an international armed force. In such a matter we can only go step by step, but we must begin now. I propose that each of the Powers and States should be invited to dedicate a certain number of air squadrons to the service of the world organization. These squadrons would be trained and prepared in their own countries, but would move around in rotation from one country to another. They would wear the uniforms of their own countries but with different badges. They would not be required to act against their own nation, but in other respects they would be directed by the world organization. This might be started on a modest scale and it would grow as confidence grew. I wished to see this done after the first world war, and I devoutly trust that it may be done forthwith.

It would nevertheless, ladies and gentlemen, be wrong and imprudent to entrust the secret knowledge or experience of the atomic bomb, which the United States, great Britain, and Canada now share, to the world organization, while still in its infancy. It would be criminal madness to cast it adrift in this still agitated and un-united world. No one country has slept less well in their beds because this knowledge and the method and the raw materials to apply it, are present largely retained in American hands. I do not believe we should all have slept so soundly had the positions been reversed and some Communist or neo-Facist State monopolized for the time being these dread agencies. The fear of them alone might easily have been used to enforce totalitarian systems upon the free democratic world, with consequences appalling to human imagination. God has willed that this shall not be and we have at least a breathing space to set our world house in order before this peril has to be encountered: and even then, if no effort is spared, we should still possess so formidable a superiority as to impose effective deterrents upon its employment, or threat of employment, by others. Ultimately, when the essential brotherhood of man is truly embodied and expressed in a world organization with all the necessary practical safeguards to make it effective, these powers would naturally be confided to that world organizations.

Now I come to the second of the two marauders, to the second danger which threatens the cottage homes, and the ordinary people ― namely, tyranny. We cannot be blind to the fact that the liberties enjoyed by individual citizens throughout the United States and throughout the British Empire are not valid in a considerable number of countries, some of which are very powerful. In these States control is enforced upon the common people by various kinds of all-embracing police governments to a degree which is overwhelming and contrary to every principle of democracy. The power of the State is exercised without restraint, either by dictators or by compact oligarchies operating through a privileged party and a political police. It is not our duty at this time when difficulties are so numerous to interfere forcibly in the internal affairs of countries which we have not conquered in war. but we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the English-speaking world and which through Magna Carta, the Bill of rights, the Habeas Corpus, trial by jury, and the English common law find their most famous expression in the American Declaration of Independence.

All this means that the people of any country have the right, and should have the power by constitutional action, by free unfettered elections, with secret ballot, to choose or change the character or form of government under which they dwell; that freedom of speech and thought should reign; that courts of justice, independent of the executive, unbiased by any party, should administer laws which have received the broad assent of large majorities or are consecrated by time and custom. Here are the title deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home. Here is the message of the British and American peoples to mankind. Let us preach what we practice ― let us practice what we preach.

though I have now stated the two great dangers which menace the home of the people, War and Tyranny, I have not yet spoken of poverty and privation which are in many cases the prevailing anxiety. But if the dangers of war and tyranny are removed, there is no doubt that science and cooperation can bring in the next few years, certainly in the next few decades, to the world, newly taught in the sharpening school of war, an expansion of material well-being beyond anything that has yet occurred in human experience.

Now, at this sad and breathless moment, we are plunged in the hunger and distress which are the aftermath of our stupendous struggle; but this will pass and may pass quickly, and there is no reason except human folly or sub-human crime which should deny to all the nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an age of plenty. I have often used words which I learn fifty years ago from a great Irish-American orator, a friend of mine, Mr. Bourke Cockran, "There is enough for all. The earth is a generous mother; she will provide in plentiful abundance food for all her children if they will but cultivate her soil in justice and peace." So far I feel that we are in full agreement.

Now, while still pursing the method ― the method of realizing our over-all strategic concept, I come to the crux of what I have traveled here to say. Neither the sure prevention of war, nor the continuous rise of world organization will be gained without what I have called the fraternal association of the English-speaking peoples. This means a special relationship between the British Commonwealth and Empire and the United States of America. Ladies and gentlemen, this is no time for generality, and I will venture to the precise. Fraternal association requires not only the growing friendship and mutual understanding between our two vast but kindred systems of society, but the continuance of the intimate relations between our military advisers, leading to common study of potential dangers, the similarity of weapons and manuals of instructions, and to the interchange of officers and cadets at technical colleges. It should carry with it the continuance of the present facilities for mutual security by the joint use of all Naval and Air Force bases in the possession of either country all over the world. This would perhaps double the mobility of the American Navy and Air Force. It would greatly expand that of the British Empire forces and it might well lead, if and as the world calms down, to important financial savings. Already we use together a large number of islands; more may well be entrusted to our joint care in the near future.

the United States has already a Permanent Defense Agreement with the Dominion of Canada, which is so devotedly attached to the British Commonwealth and the Empire. This Agreement is more effective than many of those which have been made under formal alliances. This principle should be extended to all the British Commonwealths with full reciprocity. Thus, whatever happens, and thus only, shall we be secure ourselves and able to works together for the high and simple causes that are dear to us and bode no ill to any. Eventually there may come ― I feel eventually there will come ― the principle of common citizenship, but that we may be content to leave to destiny, whose outstretched arm many of us can already clearly see.

There is however an important question we must ask ourselves. Would a special relationship between the United States and the British Commonwealth be inconsistent with our over-riding loyalties to the World Organization? I reply that, on the contrary, it is probably the only means by which that organization will achieve its full stature and strength. There are already the special United States relations with Canada that I have just mentioned, and there are the relations between the United States and the South American Republics. We British have also our twenty years Treaty of Collaboration and Mutual Assistance with Soviet Russia. I agree with Mr. Bevin, the Foreign Secretary of Great Britain, that it might well be a fifty years treaty so far as we are concerned. We aim at nothing but mutual assistance and collaboration with Russia. The British have an alliance with Portugal unbroken since the year 1384, and which produced fruitful results at a critical moment in the recent war. None of these clash with the general interest of a world agreement, or a world organization; on the contrary, they help it. "In my father’s house are many mansions." Special associations between members of the United Nations which have no aggressive point against any other country, which harbor no design incompatible with the Charter of the United Nations, far from being harmful, are beneficial and, as I believe, indispensable.

I spoke earlier, ladies and gentlemen, of the Temple of Peace. Workmen from all countries must build that temple. If two of the workmen know each other particularly well and are old friends, if their families are intermingled, if they have "faith in each other’s purpose, hope in each other’s future and charity towards each other’s shortcomings" ― to quote some good words I read here the other day ― why cannot they work together at the common task as friends and partners? Why can they not share their tools and thus increase each other’s working powers? Indeed they must do so or else the temple may not be built, or, being built, it may collapse, and we should all be proved again unteachable and have to go and try to learn again for a third time in a school of war incomparably more rigorous than that from which we have just been released. The dark ages may return, the Stone Age may return on the gleaming wings of science, and what might now shower immeasurable material blessings upon mankind, may even bring about its total destruction. Beware, I say; time may be short. Do not let us take the course of allowing events to drift along until it is too late. If there is to be a fraternal association of the kind of I have described, with all the strength and security which both our countries can derive from it, let us make sure that that great fact is known to the world, and that it plays its part in steadying and stabilizing the foundations of peace. There is the path of wisdom. Prevention is better than the cure.

A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately light by the Allied victory. Nobody knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organization intends to do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and proselytizing tendencies. I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshall Stalin. There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Britain ― and I doubt not here also ― towards the peoples of all the Russias and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships. We understand the Russian need to be secure on her western frontiers by the removal of all possibility of German aggression. We welcome Russia to her rightful place among the leading nations of the world. We welcome her flag upon the seas. Above all, we welcome, or should welcome, constant, frequent and growing contacts between the Russian people and our own people on both sides of the Atlantic. It is my duty however, for I am sure you would wish me to state the facts as I see them to you. It is my duty to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe.

From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in some cases, increasing measure of control from Moscow. Athens alone ― Greece with its immortal glories ― is free to decide its future at an election under British, American and French observation. The Russian-dominated Polish Government has been encouraged to make enormous and wrongful inroads upon Germany, and mass expulsions of millions of Germans on a scale grievous and undreamed-of are now taking place. The Communist parties, which were very small in all these Eastern States of Europe, have been raised to pre-eminence and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control. Police governments are prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy.

Turkey and Persia are both profoundly alarmed and disturbed at the claims which are being made upon them and at the pressure being exerted by the Moscow Government. An attempt is being made by the Russians in Berlin to build up a quasi-Communist party in their zone of occupied Germany by showing special favors to groups of left-wing German leaders. At the end of the fighting last June, the American and British Armies withdrew westward, in accordance with an earlier agreement, to a depth at some points of 150 miles upon a front of nearly four hundred miles, in order to allow our Russian allies to occupy this vast expanse of territory which the Western Democracies had conquered.

If no the Soviet Government tries, by separate action , to build up a pro-Communist Germany in their areas, this will cause new serious difficulties in the American and British zones, and will give the defeated Germans the power of putting themselves up to auction between the Soviets and the Western Democracies. Whatever conclusions may be drawn from these facts ― and facts they are ― this is certainly not the Liberated Europe we fought to build up. Nor is it one which contains the essentials of permanent peace.

The safety of the world, ladies and gentlemen, requires a new unity in Europe, from which no nation should be permanently outcast. It is from the quarrels of the strong parent races in Europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which occurred in former times, have sprung. Twice in our own lifetime we have seen the United States, against their wished and their traditions, against arguments, the force of which it is impossible not to comprehend, twice we have seen them drawn by irresistible forces, into these wars in time to secure the victory of the good cause, but only after frightful slaughter and devastation have occurred. Twice the United State has had to send several millions of its young men across the Atlantic to find the war; but now war can find any nation, wherever it may dwell between dusk and dawn. Surely we should work with conscious purpose for a grand pacification of Europe, within the structure of the United Nations and in accordance with our Charter. That I feel opens a course of policy of very great importance.

In front of the iron curtain which lies across Europe are other causes for anxiety. In Italy the Communist Party is seriously hampered by having to support the Communist-trained Marshal Tito’s claims to former Italian territory at the head of the Adriatic. Nevertheless the future of Italy hangs in the balance. Again one cannot imagine a regenerated Europe without a strong France. All my public life I never last faith in her destiny, even in the darkest hours. I will not lose faith now. However, in a great number of countries, far from the Russian frontiers and throughout the world, Communist fifth columns are established and work in complete unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive from the Communist center. Except in the British Commonwealth and in the United States where Communism is in its infancy, the Communist parties or fifth columns constitute a growing challenge and peril to Christian civilization. These are somber facts for anyone to have recite on the morrow a victory gained by so much splendid comradeship in arms and in the cause of freedom and democracy; but we should be most unwise not to face them squarely while time remains.

The outlook is also anxious in the Far East and especially in Manchuria. The Agreement which was made at Yalta, to which I was a party, was extremely favorable to Soviet Russia, but it was made at a time when no one could say that the German war might no extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945 and when the Japanese war was expected by the best judges to last for a further 18 months from the end of the German war. In this country you all so well-informed about the Far East, and such devoted friends of China, that I do not need to expatiate on the situation there.

I have, however, felt bound to portray the shadow which, alike in the west and in the east, falls upon the world. I was a minister at the time of the Versailles treaty and a close friend of Mr. Lloyd-George, who was the head of the British delegation at Versailles. I did not myself agree with many things that were done, but I have a very strong impression in my mind of that situation, and I find it painful to contrast it with that which prevails now. In those days there were high hopes and unbounded confidence that the wars were over and that the League of Nations would become all-powerful. I do not see or feel that same confidence or event he same hopes in the haggard world at the present time.

On the other hand, ladies and gentlemen, I repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable; still more that it is imminent. It is because I am sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to save the future, that I feel the duty to speak out now that I have the occasion and the opportunity to do so. I do not believe that Soviet Russia desires war. What they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines. But what we have to consider here today while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in all countries. Our difficulties and dangers will not be removed by closing our eyes to them. They will not be removed by mere waiting to see what happens; nor will they be removed by a policy of appeasement. What is needed is a settlement, and the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers will become.

From what I have seen of our Russian friends and Allies during the war, I am convinced that there is nothing for which they have less respect than for weakness, especially military weakness. For that reason the old doctrine of a balance of power is unsound. We cannot afford, if we can help it, to work on narrow margins, offering temptations to a trial of strength. If the Western Democracies stand together in strict adherence to the principles will be immense and no one is likely to molest them. If however they become divided of falter in their duty and if these all-important years are allowed to slip away then indeed catastrophe may overwhelm us all.

Last time I saw it all coming and I cried aloud to my own fellow-countrymen and to the world, but no one paid any attention. Up till the year 1933 or even 1935, Germany might have been saved from the awful fate which has overtaken here and we might all have been spared the miseries Hitler let loose upon mankind. there never was a war in history easier to prevent by timely action than the one which has just desolated such great areas of the globe. It could have been prevented in my belief without the firing of a single shot, and Germany might be powerful, prosperous and honored today; but no one would listen and one by one we were all sucked into the awful whirlpool. We surely, ladies and gentlemen, I put it to you, surely, we must not let it happen again. This can only be achieved by reaching now, in 1946, by reaching a good understanding on all points with Russia under the general authority of the United Nations Organization and by the maintenance of that good understanding through many peaceful years, by the whole strength of the English-speaking world and all its connections. There is the solution which I respectfully offer to you in this Address to which I have given the title, "The Sinews of Peace".

Let no man underrate the abiding power of the British Empire and Commonwealth. Because you see the 46 millions in our island harassed about their food supply, of which they only grow one half, even in war-time, or because we have difficulty in restarting our industries and export trade after six years of passionate war effort, do not suppose we shall not come through these dark years of privation as we have come through the glorious years of agony. Do not suppose that half a century from now you will not see 70 or 80 millions of Britons spread about the world united in defense of our traditions, and our way of life, and of the world causes which you and we espouse. If the population of the English-speaking Commonwealths be added to that of the United States with all that such co-operation implies in the air, on the sea, all over the globe and in science and in industry, and in moral force, there will be no quivering, precarious balance of power to offer its temptation to ambition or adventure. On the contrary there will be an overwhelming assurance of security. If we adhere faithfully to the Charter of the United Nations and walk forward in sedate and sober strength seeking no one’s land or treasure, seeking to lay no arbitrary control upon the thoughts of men; if all British moral and material forces and convictions are joined with your own in fraternal association, the highroads of the future will be clear, not only for our time, but for a century to come.

第四篇：23年七一演講稿范文

一個(gè)平凡得不能再平凡的人，做著平凡得不能再平凡的事，卻被千萬(wàn)人競(jìng)相傳誦。我們可以想像出這樣一幕：在茫茫的雪域高原上，有這樣一位共產(chǎn)黨員，20xx年來(lái)靠雙腳走過(guò)了26萬(wàn)公里的山路，為山村群眾傳遞郵件。他曾與劫匪橫刀對(duì)峙，他曾縱身跳入洪水急流，他曾喝著粗劣的燒酒抵御寒冷，他曾在篝火旁流著眼淚思念著遠(yuǎn)方的親人......。他就是王順友，四川木里藏族自治縣一個(gè)普普通通的鄉(xiāng)郵員。

當(dāng)我們把敬意和欽佩給予了在崇山峻嶺中默默奉獻(xiàn)的王順友時(shí)，是否也能認(rèn)真地反思一下自己，作為一名黨員、一名干部，我們自己做得怎么樣?暫且把這個(gè)問(wèn)題擱置一邊，我們共同體味下面兩個(gè)小故事：

第一個(gè)故事：有個(gè)年輕人取得博士學(xué)位后，與能力相當(dāng)?shù)囊晃煌瑢W(xué)一起來(lái)到一家跨國(guó)公司上班，當(dāng)時(shí)他的薪水是10000元，但他同學(xué)的薪水卻是15000元。這實(shí)在不公平，他總是為這5000元耿耿于懷，工作的時(shí)候漫不經(jīng)心，小錯(cuò)誤常常發(fā)生，工作效率低?！边@位年輕人只為薪水工作，認(rèn)為少5000元就要少干5000元的事。讓學(xué)習(xí)機(jī)會(huì)與晉升空間遠(yuǎn)離自己而去，各種各樣的壞習(xí)慣油然而生，他為他自己以后的成長(zhǎng)設(shè)置了障礙。

第二個(gè)故事：一位本領(lǐng)高超的木匠，因?yàn)槟晔乱迅呔鸵诵萘?。他告訴他的老板：他想離開(kāi)建筑業(yè)，然后和妻子兒女享受一下輕松自在的生活。老板實(shí)在是有點(diǎn)舍不得這樣好的木匠離去，所以希望他能在離開(kāi)前再蓋一棟具有個(gè)人品位的房子來(lái)。木匠欣然答應(yīng)了，不過(guò)令人遺憾的是，這一次他并沒(méi)有很用心。他草草地用劣質(zhì)的材料就把這間屋子蓋好了。其實(shí)，用這種方式來(lái)結(jié)束他的事業(yè)生涯，實(shí)在是有點(diǎn)不妥。房子落成時(shí)，老板來(lái)了，順便看了看，然后把大門(mén)的鑰匙交給這個(gè)木匠說(shuō)：“這就是你的房子了，是我送給你的一個(gè)禮物!”木匠實(shí)在是太驚訝了!當(dāng)然也非常后悔。因?yàn)槿绻肋@間房子是他自己的，他一定會(huì)用最好的木材，用最精致的工藝來(lái)把它蓋好。其實(shí)我們每個(gè)人自己正在做的活兒，歸根結(jié)底都是在準(zhǔn)備為自己建造一間房子。如果我們不肯努力地去做，那么我們只能住進(jìn)自己為自己建造的最后的也是最粗糙的“房子”里。

這兩個(gè)故事無(wú)非是告訴人們，那些為錢(qián)而工作、為老板而工作的想法是錯(cuò)誤的。但對(duì)于一名共產(chǎn)黨員、一名黨的干部來(lái)說(shuō)，這樣的要求就遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)不夠了。還是這個(gè)王順友，說(shuō)了一句讓人感觸的話(huà)，他說(shuō)：“我干好本職工作，讓山區(qū)群眾聽(tīng)到黨的聲音，然后我就可以得到工資?！闭Z(yǔ)言雖然簡(jiǎn)樸，但卻明明白白地告訴我們：工作著是美麗的，奉獻(xiàn)者是快樂(lè)的。工作的美麗并不在于獲得了多少報(bào)酬，而在于體現(xiàn)了自己的人生價(jià)值;奉獻(xiàn)者的快樂(lè)并不在于吃了多少虧，而在于用自己的智慧和汗水為人類(lèi)、為社會(huì)做了一些有益的事情。保爾的話(huà)說(shuō)的最好：人最寶貴的是生命。生命對(duì)每個(gè)人來(lái)說(shuō)只有一次。人的一生應(yīng)當(dāng)這樣度過(guò)，回首往事，他不會(huì)因?yàn)樘摱饶耆A而悔恨，也不會(huì)因?yàn)槁德禑o(wú)為而羞愧。

平凡孕育偉大。如果你真正的珍惜自己的生命，就請(qǐng)立足于平凡，做好自己崗位上的工作吧!

謝謝大家

第五篇：國(guó)旗下演講稿范文

同學(xué)們?cè)缟虾茫?/p>

誰(shuí)都知道在升旗儀式中，《中華人民共和國(guó)國(guó)歌》是用嘴唱出來(lái)的，用它來(lái)表達(dá)一個(gè)中國(guó)人對(duì)自己的國(guó)家的自豪感。然而，對(duì)于聾啞學(xué)生來(lái)說(shuō)，要他們唱國(guó)歌，幾乎是不可能的。但是他們同樣懷著一顆愛(ài)國(guó)的心，他們也需要在升旗儀式上唱出自己的的心聲?！?995年9月25日早晨8點(diǎn)，在北京市平谷縣聾啞學(xué)校的操場(chǎng)上，一次平常而隆重的升旗儀式在準(zhǔn)時(shí)進(jìn)行。在全校140多雙明亮眼睛的“護(hù)送”下，在莊嚴(yán)的國(guó)歌樂(lè)曲中，五星紅旗徐徐升上藍(lán)天。接著國(guó)歌樂(lè)曲再度響起，學(xué)生們隨著樂(lè)曲整齊地“唱”起來(lái)，他們用一只只稚嫩的小手，用聾啞人特有的手語(yǔ)比劃著“起來(lái)，不愿做奴隸的人們。。。。。?！笔终Z(yǔ)伴著音樂(lè)，時(shí)快時(shí)慢，時(shí)緩時(shí)急，就像是一個(gè)小指揮家在指揮樂(lè)隊(duì)演奏。

聾啞學(xué)校升旗儀式已經(jīng)四年了。為了讓孩子們用手“唱”國(guó)歌，老師們以實(shí)物，圖片當(dāng)教材，向無(wú)聲世界的孩子們介紹國(guó)旗，國(guó)徽，國(guó)歌知識(shí)，也教他們一些樂(lè)理知識(shí)。經(jīng)過(guò)不懈的努力，他們能“唱”國(guó)歌了，他們是多么高興啊!六年級(jí)一班13歲的劉艷同學(xué)用手語(yǔ)表示：每星期一的升旗儀式，是他們最向往的時(shí)刻。有的同學(xué)帶病也要來(lái)參加這一儀式。盡管在聽(tīng)，說(shuō)方面，他們存在著缺陷，但他們對(duì)祖國(guó)的熱愛(ài)卻跟大家完全一樣，他們用手“唱”國(guó)歌，也是在用心唱國(guó)歌呀!

同學(xué)們，我們擁有靈敏的聽(tīng)覺(jué)和一副好嗓子，當(dāng)我們聽(tīng)到聾啞同學(xué)用手“唱”國(guó)歌的故事時(shí)，我們是否可以心情發(fā)揮自己的天賦的好條件，把國(guó)歌唱得更飽滿(mǎn)，更嘹亮，更充滿(mǎn)著動(dòng)人的激情呢?