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第一篇：山西交通與山西物流
山西交通與山西物流
論文關鍵詞：山西；交通；物流；發(fā)展；探索。
論文摘要：探討了山西省的交通與物流的現(xiàn)況與發(fā)展，以及物流園區(qū)、配送中心及物流信息平臺的建設與發(fā)展模式，介紹了城市物流配送及農(nóng)村物流試點的現(xiàn)狀，并對區(qū)域交通物流發(fā)展進行了探索。
發(fā)展現(xiàn)代物流是落實科學發(fā)展觀，構(gòu)建和諧社會的有效途徑，也是進行資源整合，促進產(chǎn)業(yè)結(jié)構(gòu)調(diào)整，實現(xiàn)山西經(jīng)濟、社會跨越式發(fā)展的必然選擇。山西省委、省政府、省交通廳領導高度重視山西省物流業(yè)的發(fā)展，積極引導、大力推進現(xiàn)代交通物流的發(fā)展，在規(guī)劃研究、物流園區(qū)建設、城市物流配送、農(nóng)村物流試點等方面做了一些工作，進行了積極的實踐和有益的探索。
一．山西交通
2 .山西交通的發(fā)展：
山西的交通是在落后、封閉的基礎上艱難起步，逐步發(fā)展起來的。1949年4月，山西全境解放時，全省能斷斷續(xù)續(xù)通車的公路只有1288公里。由于連年戰(zhàn)爭的破壞，重要的干線公路均不能全線貫通。有1/3的縣城不通公路，有的縣連大車路都沒有。全省國營運輸企業(yè)只有100余輛從國民黨政權(quán)手中接管過來的破舊雜牌汽車，大部分馬車也散落在民間。面對這種情況，山西公路交通部門認真貫徹黨的各項方針政策，自力更生，發(fā)動群眾，首先對太原至大同、軍渡、風陵渡等幾條重要干線公路進行了搶修，以較快的速度恢復了通車。此后對全省公路進行了整修和分期改善。經(jīng)過3年恢復，全省公路主要干線均已暢通。從1953年國家實行第一個五年建設計劃開始，在國家財力、物力不足的情況下，山西公路交通部門堅持“先求其通，后求其暢”、“充分利用原有道路，重點解決薄弱環(huán)節(jié)”的原則，認真貫徹黨中央、國務院“分期改善，逐步提高”和“依靠民力，就地取材”的方針，有計劃、有步驟地開展了山區(qū)道路修建工作，并對全省公路有重點地進行了改善。
黨的十一屆三中全會之后，在國民經(jīng)濟“調(diào)整、改革、整頓、提高”的方針指引下，山西公路交通工作有了較快發(fā)展。但是，進入80年代以后，由于煤炭產(chǎn)量和社會物資運輸量增加，交通運輸滯后的矛盾顯得越來越突出。1980年，全省27261公里里程中，四級公路和等外路占到77%以上。到1983年，全省有路面里程僅占60%，尚有11091公里為土路，11個縣不通油路，1240個鄉(xiāng)鎮(zhèn)不通公路，4203個行政村不通機動車。許多干線公路日交通量超過設計標準幾倍、十幾倍。通向河北、北京、天津、河南等鄰省的重點公路，因通過能力小，經(jīng)常出現(xiàn)堵塞現(xiàn)象。如太舊路原路，小堵天天有，大堵三六九，最長一次堵車整整七天七夜，引起國際輿論關注。其他出省通道，大部分為低等級公路或斷頭路。落后的交通，成為能源重化工基地建設的主要制約因素之一。一方面，晉煤和其他外運物資大量積壓，僅1983年，全省積壓待運煤就有3000余萬噸，不少煤礦積煤出現(xiàn)自燃和被洪水沖走；另一方面，全國各地對晉煤的迫切需求得不到有效解決。面對嚴峻現(xiàn)實，山西省委、省政府決心打破全省公路交通的半封閉狀態(tài)，在加強省內(nèi)干線和縣鄉(xiāng)公路建設的同時，打開通向省外的出口，并制定了修建10條晉煤外運公路的規(guī)劃。從此，山西公路交通圍繞能源重化工基地建設，進入了全面發(fā)展的新階段。省交通廳在集中投資和技術力量的同時，對施工管理體制進行了大膽改革，對各項工程采取公開招標和地(市)縣承包的辦法，有效地調(diào)動了地方政府的積極性，大大加快了工程進度，降低了工程造價。
（1） 山西交通發(fā)展的指導思想：是“一個統(tǒng)領、五個統(tǒng)籌、三個并重、三個加快、一個體系”。即認真貫徹黨的十六屆五中全會和省委八屆七次全會精神，以科學發(fā)展觀為統(tǒng)領，統(tǒng)籌經(jīng)濟社會與交通發(fā)展，統(tǒng)籌區(qū)域經(jīng)濟與交通發(fā)展，統(tǒng)籌城鎮(zhèn)化建設與交通發(fā)展，統(tǒng)籌新農(nóng)村建設與交通發(fā)展，統(tǒng)籌資源環(huán)境與交通和諧發(fā)展，堅持高速公路、干線公路、農(nóng)村公路“三網(wǎng)”并重，建設與養(yǎng)護管理并重，建設與運輸發(fā)展并重的方針，加快推進改革創(chuàng)新，加快推進擴大開放，加快推進結(jié)構(gòu)調(diào)整與增長方式轉(zhuǎn)變，著力構(gòu)建新型能源和工業(yè)基地交通運輸支撐保障服務體系。
（2）發(fā)展的總體要求是：“一條主線、兩個平臺、三個基礎、四項工程、五項創(chuàng)新、六大網(wǎng)絡”。即緊緊圍繞構(gòu)建新型能源和工業(yè)基地交通運輸支撐保障服務體系這條主線，加快建立交通發(fā)展的科技平臺、人才平臺，切實抓好安全、質(zhì)量、廉政三項基礎工作，大力實施高速公路網(wǎng)絡化工程、干線公路改造養(yǎng)護工程、農(nóng)村公路通達通暢工程、運輸產(chǎn)業(yè)規(guī)模化集約化工程，積極推進理念、科技、機制、融資、管理五項創(chuàng)新，努力形成功能較為完善的高速公路、干線公路、農(nóng)村公路、運輸站場、現(xiàn)代物流、信息服務六大網(wǎng)絡，樹立負責任、有作為、勤政廉潔、文明和諧的行業(yè)新形象。
（3） 交通發(fā)展的總體目標是：到2010年，交通運輸基本適應經(jīng)濟社會發(fā)展要求。
公路建設。五年完成投資900億元，新增公路通車里程11000公里；建設高速公路2200公里，其中建成1300余公里；新改建干線公路5000公里、農(nóng)村公路50000公里。到2010年，我省公路通車里程達到80000公里，路網(wǎng)密度達到50公里/百平方公里，高速公路達到3000公里；二級以上高等級公路里程達到16000公里，占公路通車總里程的20%；路面鋪裝里程達到56000公里，占公路通車總里程的70%。我省高速公路網(wǎng) “九橫九環(huán)”建成“五橫五環(huán)”；90%干線公路達到二級以上標準，70 %縣鄉(xiāng)公路實現(xiàn)油路化，90%建制村通水泥(油)路。在省會到市3小時高速通達的基礎上，實現(xiàn)市到縣2小時、縣到鄉(xiāng)1小時通達。
公路養(yǎng)護。加大公路養(yǎng)護投入，高速公路養(yǎng)護質(zhì)量指數(shù)(RQI)達到93。干線公路養(yǎng)護實現(xiàn)良性循環(huán)，2010年好路率達到85%?？h公路好路率、鄉(xiāng)村公路路面完好率分別達到75%。全省公路宜林路段綠化率達到100%，文明路達到8000公里。
運輸站場建設。全省實現(xiàn)市市有一級客運站、縣縣有二級客運站、50%的鄉(xiāng)鎮(zhèn)有等
級客運站、85%的建制村有候車亭(牌)，初步構(gòu)筑起省市兩級物流基礎平臺和信息平臺。
道路運輸發(fā)展。運力結(jié)構(gòu)、組織結(jié)構(gòu)進一步優(yōu)化，高級長途客車在全省營運客車中
的比重增長3%；城際客運和旅游客運中高級客車達到90%；專用貨車在營運貨車中的比重增長20%，重型車增長30%；長途客運和貨運市場集中度分別提高15%。全省實現(xiàn)中型城市之間當日往返，95%的建制村通客車。
水運建設。重點水域的渡運設施得到全面改善，水上交通安全監(jiān)管水平明顯提高。
科教創(chuàng)新。適應全省交通現(xiàn)代化建設需求、符合交通科技發(fā)展規(guī)律的科技創(chuàng)新體系基本形成，自主創(chuàng)新能力明顯提高，數(shù)字交通技術實用化程度和行業(yè)管理信息化達到新水平，交通安全保障、資源利用和環(huán)保節(jié)能技術取得明顯進步，推動交通向運輸安全型、質(zhì)量效益型、資源節(jié)約型、環(huán)境友好型方向發(fā)展。
人才隊伍建設。進一步健全和完善人才引進、培養(yǎng)、使用、成長的機制和環(huán)境，形
成一支具有行業(yè)特色、結(jié)構(gòu)合理、素質(zhì)優(yōu)良的管理型人才隊伍、專業(yè)技術型人才隊伍和技能型人才隊伍，人才在交通改革發(fā)展中的地位和作用更加凸顯。
行業(yè)文明及廉政建設。職工思想道德、科學文化、民主法制素質(zhì)和行業(yè)文明程度明顯提
高，教育制度監(jiān)督并重的懲治和預防腐敗體系基本形成，“兩個負責任”的行業(yè)形象得到樹立。
二．山西物流
2.山西物流的發(fā)展：
近年來山西省物流業(yè)出現(xiàn)繁榮景象，物流業(yè)增加值隨著快速增長經(jīng)濟總量呈現(xiàn)強勁增長勢頭，08年山西省地區(qū)生產(chǎn)總值高度6939億元比上年增長8.3%，其中第三產(chǎn)業(yè)增加值2370億元增長10.6%，其中物流業(yè)增加值638億元全省全年向省外運輸煤炭5.33億噸，外運煤炭占原煤產(chǎn)量比重81.3%，煤炭外運量約占到全國省級調(diào)出量七成左右，向省外運儲焦炭，外運焦炭占焦炭總量比重76.7%，全省全年交通運輸倉儲和郵政業(yè)增加值467.52億元。公路、線路12.5萬公里其中高速公路，這利民有這么幾個特點。
一是物流配送業(yè)發(fā)展，山西商貿(mào)物流工業(yè)利用現(xiàn)代物流發(fā)展新型流通，在連鎖經(jīng)營基礎上加快了物流配送中心的建設，完善了商品配送，目前我省個各類連鎖企業(yè)一百萬家連鎖門店一千萬個，商品物流配送中心一百個多，形成了山西物產(chǎn)綜合陪送，物流大型無形配送中心。
二第三方物流開始起步，省大型物流集團逐步向現(xiàn)代物流業(yè)過渡，一些大型運輸集團，依托遍布全國運輸網(wǎng)向?qū)I(yè)化物流發(fā)展，太原煙草物流，中鐵物流專業(yè)企業(yè)發(fā)展迅速，危險品物流也日益專業(yè)化，小件快遞物流專著配送第三方物流正在形成，連鎖企業(yè)零售物流形成配送規(guī)模，以中國物流信息聯(lián)盟網(wǎng)為代表物流公共信息平臺發(fā)揮越來越大作用。
第三點就是物流信息化體的進展，目前山西省1300多戶運輸服務企業(yè)，山西物流信息網(wǎng)每天發(fā)布信息6萬億條，注冊企業(yè)上萬家，每天發(fā)布全國物流信息達26萬個，太鋼西山煤礦，南豐集團投入大量資金建設物流信息體系，積極采用以ERP管理軟件提高了生產(chǎn)銷售供應鏈各環(huán)節(jié)的速度，物流現(xiàn)代化水平不斷提高。
第四點物流業(yè)對外開放賣出新步伐，招商引資政策不斷完善，物流業(yè)以列入外商投資領域，中外敦豪，沃爾瑪，世界五百強國內(nèi)外著名大公司相繼入住太原大同城市太原高新區(qū)物流園區(qū)，太原經(jīng)濟技術開發(fā)區(qū)憑借區(qū)域優(yōu)勢，技術資源良好，引資環(huán)境逐漸成為山西省新材料加工，生物醫(yī)藥新型行業(yè)物流中心。山西物流領域逐步成為外資最干感興趣領域之一，山西省物流業(yè)生處于發(fā)展階段，與發(fā)達國家沿海省區(qū)比有很大差距。
物流資源分散物流成本較高，山西物流工業(yè)企業(yè)成本，全國物流總費用占GDP18.3%，我們山西工業(yè)企業(yè)物流企業(yè)高達40%，而國際發(fā)達國家水平在10—12左右，物流企業(yè)之間基本沒有分工和沒有規(guī)模化，自成體系，二是物流社會化、專業(yè)化程度不高，企業(yè)管理觀念落后與物流社會化、專業(yè)化程度低互相為影響。三是物流形態(tài)比較落后，服務功能單一，傳統(tǒng)方式的貨物運輸合倉儲量占物流量比重偏高，增值功能貨物配送加工量偏低，第三方物流發(fā)展十分薄弱，四區(qū)域物流組織化程度，政府之間行業(yè)協(xié)會之間，以及政府協(xié)會行業(yè)之間缺乏自覺溝通合作，五是物流專業(yè)人才短缺，除出儲存、運輸、配送人才短缺相關系統(tǒng)化管理人才，掌握商品配送資金周轉(zhuǎn)成本核算相關知識國際性午物流人才更緊缺.
三，交通物流的發(fā)展與探究
1物流平臺的建設及發(fā)展
經(jīng)濟全球化、貿(mào)易自由化，西部大開發(fā)、中部崛起戰(zhàn)略及籌辦奧運和京、津等環(huán)渤海地區(qū)經(jīng)濟的發(fā)展為山西省發(fā)展物現(xiàn)代流業(yè)創(chuàng)造了條件。物流平臺的建設是山西省發(fā)展現(xiàn)代物流的核心，物流平臺的建設主要包括以下方面。
1.1物流園區(qū)建設。“十五”期間，山西省交通廳根據(jù)全省經(jīng)濟發(fā)展狀況，在經(jīng)過充分調(diào)研和科學論證的基礎上，提出了建設太原、大同、侯馬三大物流園區(qū)的構(gòu)想，并進行了積極的實施工作。2002年經(jīng)省政府批準，成立了“山西省物流中心”，專門運作物流園區(qū)的建設與管理工作。到目前，太原物流園區(qū)——太原公路主樞紐武宿貨運中心項目初步設計和可行性論證已經(jīng)完成，規(guī)劃占地2 000~2 600畝，一期工程的核心功能區(qū)建設占地面積481.5畝。按照省發(fā)改委對項目可研的批復要求，項目總體布局分為：國際物流公路港暨集裝箱運輸區(qū)、區(qū)域整車零擔貨運配載區(qū)、城市倉儲物流配送區(qū)、綜合管理服務區(qū)等四大功能區(qū)，現(xiàn)在正準備動工建設。到2008年，隨著作為奧運會備降機場的太原機場改擴建工程項目的完工，太原機場將延伸至物流基地，物流基地經(jīng)過建設和發(fā)展，以及精心培育和市場壯大，將成為面向俄羅斯、服務于全國的現(xiàn)代化國際物流中心，做到物流服務的市場份額占太原市及周邊地區(qū)60%以上。
侯馬市公路樞紐貨運中心目前已經(jīng)過文物專家的勘探，一期核心功能區(qū)占地300畝，前期工作基本完成，即將進入建設準備階段。
大同公路主樞紐馬連莊貨運中心規(guī)劃已經(jīng)過專家可行性論證，該中心占地750畝，一期核心功能區(qū)占地450畝，前期工作基本完成，正在積極籌建中。
1.2配送中心的建設。目前運行較好的有太原市萬柏林貨運交易中心：該中心2001年成立，位于河西晉祠路，占地50畝，擁有庫房4 340平方米、停車場1.8萬平方米、服務區(qū)
2 700平方米、辦公用房1 500平方米，主要功能是：貨運代理、貨運信息、貨物倉儲、零擔快運、物流配送、裝卸、包裝、加工等綜合物流服務。中心共有各類經(jīng)營戶160多戶，安排下崗人員2 000多人；平均日車流量1 000多輛，日貨運量1.2萬噸，年營業(yè)額達15億元。該中心已經(jīng)和全國45個公路主樞紐建立了貨運聯(lián)盟，日發(fā)布貨運信息2 600多條，成交率80%以上，外地車輛回程配載率達90%以上。
迎澤物流中心。該中心位于太原市迎澤區(qū)松莊，2002年完成一期工程、2004年完成二期工程，規(guī)劃占地200畝，已經(jīng)完成70畝，投資近2 000萬元，由山西省汽車運輸集團控股。主要從事：貨運信息、貨物中轉(zhuǎn)、貨物快運、倉儲、裝卸、保管、配送等綜合物流服務。日進出車輛1 500多輛，從業(yè)人員1 200多人，年貨物吞吐量150多萬噸。已經(jīng)和全國40多家較大的貨運市場實現(xiàn)了信息聯(lián)網(wǎng)，并開通了貨運專線80多條。成為山西物流市場的一顆新星。
除省會城市太原外，其他地級市的物流市場也是紅紅火火，如晉城市城區(qū)物流貨運市場吸引了河南等省40余戶物流企業(yè)場內(nèi)落戶，打通了山西和河南的經(jīng)濟走廊，連接了三晉和中原兩個經(jīng)濟圈。目前，晉城市城區(qū)物流貨運市場已成功開通了6條主干線路，輻射北京、天津、上海、廣州、西安、鄭州、石家莊、太原等20多個城市。從市場投入使用至今，每天貨物成交量達500噸以上，代收貨款380萬元，運輸車輛出入市場800輛次，市場運送貨物涉及10個行業(yè)25個大類近千種商品。
1.3物流信息平臺建設。為了提高貨運車輛實載、減少空駛率，大力發(fā)展貨運信息配載和貨運服務組織。我們和清華紫光合作，在充分利用現(xiàn)有的信息基礎設施的基礎上，以市場為主導，以用戶為中心，建成了以計算機為支撐的物流專用信息網(wǎng)絡平臺——中國物流互聯(lián)網(wǎng)，在運輸、倉儲、裝卸、加工、整理、配送、車輛調(diào)度、路徑選擇等方面，廣泛地應用信息技術，深入開發(fā)各種相關的信息資源，并在流通領域及其相關領域做到信息資源共享，推進山西省物流業(yè)寬帶化、數(shù)字化、信息化、網(wǎng)絡化進程，提供了高效、便捷、準確、及時、功能完善的現(xiàn)代物流信息服務。目前加入網(wǎng)絡的山西省信息服務業(yè)戶有1 000多戶、全國其
他省市的2萬多戶，每天發(fā)布全國物流信息15萬條，其中山西物流信息2萬余條。大大推進了山西省物流業(yè)的發(fā)展水平 。
祁縣60多戶信息服務業(yè)戶為其貨運物流業(yè)發(fā)展帶來了巨大的經(jīng)濟效益和社會效益，到2006年3月底，全縣營業(yè)性貨運車輛達到3 800輛，從業(yè)人員1萬多人，僅2005年稅收就達3 700萬元，占全縣財政收入（2.5億元）的15%，成為該縣六大支柱產(chǎn)業(yè)之一。貨運物流業(yè)的發(fā)展，不僅增加了財政收入，帶動了相關產(chǎn)業(yè)的發(fā)展，而且擴大了就業(yè)、增加了農(nóng)民收入，使全縣經(jīng)濟進入了良性循環(huán)的發(fā)展軌道。下一步，該縣要整合物流資源，發(fā)展規(guī)?；?、集約化、現(xiàn)代化的物流公司，該公司正在積極籌備中。
2城市物流配送及農(nóng)村物流試點
從1999年開始，我們就致力于城市物流貨運中心的建設與發(fā)展，引導和推動農(nóng)村物流和城市配送的發(fā)展。主要工作包括以下方面：
2.1積極引導，大力發(fā)展專業(yè)物流配送企業(yè)。交通運管部門在依法管理的過程中，對貨運經(jīng)營戶經(jīng)濟提供經(jīng)濟和社會發(fā)展信息，引導企業(yè)進行運力結(jié)構(gòu)調(diào)整，發(fā)展專業(yè)物流。如：太原市的智海物流（城市混凝土配送）、煙草物流（煙草配送）、盛唐物流、中鐵快運、宅急送、郵政物流等城市專業(yè)物流配送企業(yè)正在迅速發(fā)展起來。危險品物流也日益專業(yè)化、單一化：石油公司汽車隊（汽油、柴油配送）、花園液化氣供應站（液化氣罐配送）、爆炸品配送等。同時各個大型商場、市場周圍的貨運出租車也發(fā)展了起來，大同市成立了三家專業(yè)出租貨運公司，實行公司經(jīng)營，“五統(tǒng)一”管理，進行規(guī)范化的城市物流配送服務；太原市制定了相應的管理辦法并報經(jīng)市政府法制辦進行了審核，有望很快出臺，該辦法出臺后將對太原市市內(nèi)物流配送實行統(tǒng)
一、規(guī)范化管理和服務。
2.2鼓勵運輸企業(yè)向現(xiàn)代物流業(yè)進軍，大力發(fā)展第三方物流。為了引導運輸企業(yè)我們根據(jù)各企業(yè)不同的特點和情況，按照交通部《道路運輸企業(yè)發(fā)展現(xiàn)代物流試點工作方案》，按照“企業(yè)自愿，部門推薦，按需選擇”的原則，經(jīng)過企業(yè)申請、市地運管處推薦、省運管局審核，決定“山西汽運集團太原汽車運輸有限責任公司、山西汽運集團臨汾汽車運輸有限責任公司、山西省長治市第一汽車運輸有限公司、太原鋼鐵集團有限公司汽車運輸分公司”等五家道路貨運企業(yè)作為山西省發(fā)展現(xiàn)代物流工作的試點企業(yè)。通過試點，太原公司在物流快運、專線物流方面，臨汾晉臨運貨運有限公司在特種物流方面、長治市一運在煤炭合同物流方面，太鋼運輸公司在企業(yè)內(nèi)部物流方面都取得了較好的成績。
2.3積極推進農(nóng)村物流業(yè)的快速發(fā)展。農(nóng)民解決了溫飽問題、實現(xiàn)了村通公路、村通客車后，最大的愿望就是致富奔小康，物流以最快捷、最經(jīng)濟的方式將農(nóng)產(chǎn)品運出去、把農(nóng)用物資運進來，得以實現(xiàn)他們致富奔小康的愿望。因此，大力發(fā)展農(nóng)村物流，意義非常重大。
山西省各級運管機構(gòu)積極進行探索和研究，農(nóng)村物流表現(xiàn)出良好的發(fā)展勢頭。如：山西省朔州市應縣的南河種蔬菜批發(fā)交易物流園，集運輸、包裝、加工、銷售、經(jīng)營、信息、倉儲、服務停車、后勤保障于一體，僅次于山東壽光的全國較大的蔬菜批發(fā)市場，園區(qū)擁有1個建筑面積2 000平方米的辦公樓，35個建筑面積90平方米的交易站，1個建筑面積40 000平方米的交易平臺，5座預冷恒溫貯藏庫。蔬菜交易季節(jié)市場日平均發(fā)車200余輛，年交易吞吐量近2億斤，上繳國家稅收200多萬元，同時解決待業(yè)、下崗人員再就業(yè)達1 000多人，市場可及時發(fā)貨直達全國近26個省市的100余個中心城市。平順縣借政府之力，鼓勵、規(guī)范農(nóng)村物流發(fā)展，目前已建立起大宗貨物運輸服務中心、糧食購銷服務中心等五大物流機構(gòu)，使全縣涉礦產(chǎn)品物流和農(nóng)產(chǎn)品（花椒、黨參、核桃、小雜糧）物流形成一個有機的整體。運城市的果品物流，呂梁市的紅棗、核桃、小雜糧等農(nóng)產(chǎn)品物流，晉中市的供銷社物流等正在進一步發(fā)展壯大起來，為農(nóng)民致富奔小康發(fā)揮著越來越大的作用。到今年年底，全省計劃培育和發(fā)展農(nóng)村物流網(wǎng)點11個，總結(jié)經(jīng)驗后在全省推廣。
2.4組建了戰(zhàn)略物資道路運輸保障車隊。2005年3月，省交通廳在認真調(diào)研和充分論證
的基礎上，出臺了《山西省構(gòu)建戰(zhàn)略物資道路運輸保障車隊試點工作實施方案》，確定在大同市、臨汾市、晉城市三個市進行試點。根據(jù)山西省重點物資——煤炭、緊急物資、戰(zhàn)備物資等的分布和供需實際，確定在全省組建12支戰(zhàn)略物資運輸保障車隊，總運力600輛15 000多個噸位。11個市各設一個50輛車的車隊，省里組建一個危貨運輸保障車隊。到目前為止，大同市、臨汾市、晉城市三個試點車隊已成功組建，并于2005年的8月、10月分別進行了車隊集結(jié)演習和模擬實戰(zhàn)演練，取得了很好的成績，收到了很好的效果，為山西省重點物資和戰(zhàn)略物資運輸提供了堅實的保障基礎。
3區(qū)域交通物流發(fā)展建議
通過山西省多年來的實踐和探索，總結(jié)出發(fā)展區(qū)域物流的幾點建議：
（1）政府積極籌措資金投入公共設施建設部分，特別是要加大對貨運站場等物流基礎設施的投入。同時制定物流企業(yè)稅收優(yōu)惠政策和物流人才引進優(yōu)惠政策，堅持“誰投資、誰受益”的原則，引導非公有資金進入物流基礎設施建設領域，加快網(wǎng)絡建設，促進物流業(yè)快速發(fā)展。
（2）各級政府和有關部門要積極推動物流標準化工作，推廣托盤一貫化，物流信息標準化，制定物流條碼標準以及物流信息交換標準。
（3）積極推動多式聯(lián)運，構(gòu)建現(xiàn)代綜合運輸網(wǎng)絡體系。積極開展鐵路、公路、水路、航空、各種運輸方式的聯(lián)運，形成綜合運輸網(wǎng)絡體系；組建跨區(qū)域、跨部門的物流運營集團，進行集約化經(jīng)營。
（4）整合現(xiàn)有運輸、倉儲資源，發(fā)展現(xiàn)代物流。積極引導交通運輸、倉儲配送、貨運代理、多式聯(lián)運等企業(yè)，延伸服務功能，增加服務產(chǎn)品，強化物流意識，改變經(jīng)營戰(zhàn)略，徹底擺脫小規(guī)模、低層次的惡性競爭模式，提供優(yōu)質(zhì)高效的物流服務。
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泰山演講稿
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西安活動演講稿
父愛如山演講稿
第二篇：名人勵志演講稿
中國名人演講網(wǎng)是中國第一家名人演講專業(yè)機構(gòu)、中國最大的演講名人提供商，網(wǎng)站秉承“用智慧改變世界”的理念，堅持“用演講傳遞名人智慧、讓名人走進尋常百姓、把世界的名人請進中國、讓中國的名人走向世界”的工作宗旨，名人演講網(wǎng)。網(wǎng)站依托百年名校武漢大學的豐富資源，在組織高端演講、策劃大型論壇、名人經(jīng)紀、名人研究、講師經(jīng)紀、培訓咨詢等方面有著雄厚的實力。網(wǎng)站與國外500多家名人演講機構(gòu)建立了信息、業(yè)務、學術上的密切合作，網(wǎng)站旗下有國內(nèi)外一流名人近3000人，范圍包括政界、商界、學術界、文化界、科技界、體育界、軍界、媒體界、管理培訓界等多個領域，涉及60多個國家和地區(qū)。
近年來，網(wǎng)站組織和參與組織了天津達沃斯論壇、WTO北京國際論壇、亞洲教育論壇、亞布力中國企業(yè)家論壇、國際中國哲學學會年會等在國內(nèi)外有較大影響力的活動，組織國際名人、政界領導、兩院院士、經(jīng)濟學家、企業(yè)家、文化學者、軍事專家、培訓名師的大型演講近千場，為兩百多家企業(yè)提供了高端的培訓和咨詢服務，受到社會各界的一致肯定。
昨天舉行的第三屆中國綠色發(fā)展高層論壇通過“昆明宣言”，再次向世界發(fā)出綠色發(fā)展倡議。宣言提出：各級政府推行“綠色新政”，各類企業(yè)踐行“綠色責任”，各個媒體傳播“綠色文明”推動綠色，始終是中國綠色發(fā)展高層論壇的努力方向。昨天舉行的第三屆中國綠色發(fā)展高層論壇在低碳經(jīng)濟時代領軍城市昆明通過“昆明宣言”，再次向世界發(fā)出綠色發(fā)展倡議。
“昆明宣言”指出，當今世界，在經(jīng)濟發(fā)展與資源環(huán)境矛盾日益突出的情況下，發(fā)展綠色經(jīng)濟已成為一個重要趨勢。如何在生態(tài)環(huán)境容量和資源承載力的約束條件下，堅持走以人為本、推動環(huán)境保護作為實現(xiàn)可持續(xù)發(fā)展重要支柱的新型發(fā)展之路，是實現(xiàn)世界和平發(fā)展和現(xiàn)代化的客觀要求和必然選擇。為此，倡議各級政府、各類企業(yè)以及媒體共同努力，實現(xiàn)“綠色夢想”。
宣言指出，各級政府應積極探索綠色發(fā)展模式、構(gòu)筑綠色產(chǎn)業(yè)體系，推動綠色產(chǎn)業(yè)發(fā)展。應抓住綠色經(jīng)濟發(fā)展帶來的契機，開展綠色發(fā)展合作，引導綠色投資，培育新能源、新材料、節(jié)能環(huán)保等綠色產(chǎn)業(yè)新的增長點，建立健全綠色發(fā)展機制，加強綠色發(fā)展管理執(zhí)法，實行綠色發(fā)展科學考核。
宣言倡議各類企業(yè)牢固樹立生態(tài)文明理念，倡導綠色消費。企業(yè)應勇于承擔綠色責任，積極開展綠色創(chuàng)新，大力推廣綠色技術，加強綠色管理，生產(chǎn)綠色產(chǎn)品，把節(jié)約文化、環(huán)境道德納入社會運行的公序良俗，把資源承載能力、生態(tài)環(huán)境容量作為經(jīng)濟活動的重要條件，引導公眾自覺選擇節(jié)約環(huán)保、低碳排放的消費模式。
宣言提出，媒體應廣泛傳播綠色文明理念，形成有利于綠色經(jīng)濟發(fā)展的輿論環(huán)境，爭當綠色文化傳播的使者，開展綠色教育，示范綠色實踐。在所覆蓋的范圍內(nèi)進行全方位、多層次的宣傳，形成綠色傳播網(wǎng)絡，為提高公眾的資源、環(huán)境、可持續(xù)發(fā)展意識而努力。
第三篇：核桃園鎮(zhèn)山西小學師德演講稿開洪崗
核桃園鎮(zhèn)山西小學師德演講稿：
2016年9月8日（第二周星期四下午5：30） 主講人：開洪崗
主
題：孝
德 （感恩父母）
一、孝德文章
貼在窗戶上的兩張臉
父母已是八十多歲的老人了。我和老人住在同一個小城里，相隔不過幾百米，但卻很少回家。有時，偶爾回趟家，也是風風火火的。講不了幾句話，手機響了。對著手機，一陣嘰里呱啦，總是很忙的樣子。轉(zhuǎn)身，就又走開了。
每次，兩位老人看到我回家，好像總有許多事要問，而我總是三言兩語給打發(fā)了。老人還是像有什么不放心似的，但看到我一副不耐煩的樣子，又有一種怯怯的表情，好像生怕打擾了我。
不經(jīng)意地發(fā)現(xiàn)，每次回家，家里的大門總是打開了一半。我根本不用去敲門，只需將門輕輕一推，就進了屋。
這樣的事，遇到的次數(shù)多了，我就疑惑地問道：“大門怎么總沒關好？我每次回來，都發(fā)現(xiàn)你們的大門是開的?！?/p>
兩位老人聽了，相視一笑，說道：“沒關系，這門是剛打開，你就來了?！?一次，我騎車順便到父母家。把車停好，下意識地把頭一抬，我一下子楞住了。只見樓上的窗戶上，緊緊貼著父母的兩張臉。這是兩張什么樣的臉??！蒼老、憔悴，花白的頭發(fā)，臉上布滿了皺紋。這兩張臉緊緊地貼在窗戶上，一動不動地望著窗外。
心想，他們在看什么呢？忽然，發(fā)現(xiàn)母親的臉不見了，只剩下父親一張孤單的臉。但這張臉上有了笑容，這笑容像綻放的菊花，貼在窗戶上。
我上了樓，正要敲門，發(fā)現(xiàn)門已經(jīng)開了一條縫隙。我推開門，只見兩位老人正站在客廳里看著我笑哩！
我說：“剛才你們在窗戶上往外看什么呢？”
父親一愣，有點不好意思地說道：“你看到了？我們這是在看你哩！” “什么？看我干什么？”我疑惑地問道。
“看你來了，我們好給你開門啊，這樣，你就可以多待會了。”母親一臉笑容地望著我說。
我一下子楞在那里。原來，兩位老人為了能讓我和他們多待會，多說幾句話，每天就這樣眼巴巴地望著窗外，渴望看到他們兒子的身影，一旦看到了，就會用最快的速度去開門，這樣就能省下一點時間。
想到這兒，我的眼睛有些濕潤。我扭過頭，將手伸進口袋，把手機悄悄地關上。然后，拉過一條凳子坐了下來。
母親站在一邊，有種怯怯的樣子，說道：“你要有事就去辦吧，不要耽誤了你的事?！蔽倚Φ溃骸敖裉煳艺媸且稽c事也沒有，就是專門過來多坐會兒。”
父親聽了，滿臉興奮地說道：“真的嗎？那就多做會兒?！?/p>
一眨眼，父親竟顫巍巍地給我泡了一杯茶。兩位老人也就勢坐了下來，圍攏在我身邊。
和兩位老人說著話，拉起了家長里短。說到我小時候調(diào)皮、不聽話，父親使勁兒打我屁股的事，兩位老人開心地笑了，還笑出了眼淚。母親不停地揩拭著眼角，嗔怪父親下手太重。父親咧著沒牙的嘴，呵呵地憨笑著。冷清的屋子，一下子有了明媚、溫暖的感覺。
這么多年，我一直以忙為借口，總不愿在父母家多坐會兒。而兩位老人，卻每天眼巴巴地將臉貼在窗戶上，望著窗外。那是一種多么漫長，甚至是無望的等待啊！他們這是在等什么？等愛！對，他們是在等愛。等來自兒女的愛、兒女的情、兒女的暖。有愛的生活，才會是溫馨的、明媚的、旖旎的。想到這兒，我的眼眶頓時濡濕了，眼前變得一片朦朧。
二、切身體會與行動
正如一首歌所唱，作為晚輩，作為孩子，我們應該?；丶铱纯?，父母期盼著我們，我基本上除了特殊情況，每周五都先去巨野接上對象和孩子，然后直接回大義老家。
周五的時候父親比較含蓄，在家里做飯，母親明知道打完電話還得一會到家，卻已經(jīng)迫不及待的在街口等待，當我們到家時，母親總是第一時間拉著孩子回家。 在家里，吃著父母做的菜，熟悉的味道，心中所有的委屈，工作中所有的壓力與重負，頓然釋放，這樣的感覺，這種稀釋功能，只有在家里，在父母面前，才會出現(xiàn)，這就是我們每個人內(nèi)心深處最真的家的感覺。仔細想想為什么會有這樣的感覺？因為在父母面前，我們無論多大，都還是孩子，都可以無拘無束，徹底放松。
有一次我回家后，父親已經(jīng)倒好了酒，而我空著自己的杯子，沒倒酒，父親喝一口酒，我端過來他的杯子也喝一口，爺倆共用一杯喝酒，兒子疑惑的看著，飯后兒子問我：“爸爸，不是還有酒杯嗎？為什么你和爺爺用一個杯子喝酒”。我笑了笑，說：“兒子，長大了你就明白了”！
正所謂“樹欲靜而風不止，子欲養(yǎng)而親不待”。
我們要珍惜眼前的幸福生活，珍惜一家人團團圓圓的日子。 我的演講到此結(jié)束，謝謝大家！
第四篇：英語演講稿：名人英語演講稿2篇
i come to this magnificent house of worship tonight because my conscience leaves me no other choice. i join you in this meeting because i am in deepest agreement with the aims and work of the organization which has brought us together: clergy and laymen concerned about vietnam. the recent statements of your executive committee are the sentiments of my own heart, and i found myself in full accord when i read its opening lines: "a time comes when silence is betrayal." and that time has come for us in relation to vietnam. the truth of these words is beyond doubt, but the mission to which they call us is a most difficult one. even when pressed by the demands of inner truth, men do not easily assume the task of opposing their government's policy, especially in time of war. nor does the human spirit move without great difficulty against all the apathy of conformist thought within one's own bosom and in the surrounding world. moreover, when the issues at hand seem as perplexed as they often do in the case of this dreadful conflict, we are always on the verge of being mesmerized by uncertainty; but we must move on. and some of us who have already begun to break the silence of the night have found that the calling to speak is often a vocation of agony, but we must speak. we must speak with all the humility that is appropriate to our limited vision, but we must speak. and we must rejoice as well, for surely this is the first time in our nation's history that a significant number of its religious leaders have chosen to move beyond the prophesying of smooth patriotism to the high grounds of a firm dissent based upon the mandates of conscience and the reading of history. perhaps a new spirit is rising among us. if it is, let us trace its movements and pray that our own inner being may be sensitive to its guidance, for we are deeply in need of a new way beyond the darkness that seems so close around us. over the past two years, as i have moved to break the betrayal of my own silences and to speak from the burnings of my own heart, as i have called for radical departures from the destruction of vietnam, many persons have questioned me about the wisdom of my path. at the heart of their concerns this query has often loomed large and loud: "why are you speaking about the war, dr. king?" "why are you joining the voices of dissent?" "peace and civil rights don't mix," they say. "aren't you hurting the cause of your people," they ask? and when i hear them, though i often understand the source of their concern, i am nevertheless greatly saddened, for such questions mean that the inquirers have not really known me, my commitment or my calling. indeed, their questions suggest that they do not know the world in which they live. in the light of such tragic misunderstanding, i deem it of signal importance to try to state clearly, and i trust concisely, why i believe that the path from dexter avenue baptist church -- the church in montgomery, alabama, where i began my pastorate -- leads clearly to this sanctuary tonight. i come to this platform tonight to make a passionate plea to my beloved nation. this speech is not addressed to hanoi or to the national liberation front. it is not addressed to china or to russia. nor is it an attempt to overlook the ambiguity of the total situation and the need for a collective solution to the tragedy of vietnam. neither is it an attempt to make north vietnam or the national liberation front paragons of virtue, nor to overlook the role they must play in the successful resolution of the problem. while they both may have justifiable reasons to be suspicious of the good faith of the united states, life and history give eloquent testimony to the fact that conflicts are never resolved without trustful give and take on both sides. tonight, however, i wish not to speak with hanoi and the national liberation front, but rather to my fellowed [sic] americans, *who, with me, bear the greatest responsibility in ending a conflict that has exacted a heavy price on both continents. since i am a preacher by trade, i suppose it is not surprising that i have seven major reasons for bringing vietnam into the field of my moral vision.* there is at the outset a very obvious and almost facile connection between the war in vietnam and the struggle i, and others, have been waging in america. a few years ago there was a shining moment in that struggle. it seemed as if there was a real promise of hope for the poor -- both black and white -- through the poverty program. there were experiments, hopes, new beginnings. then came the buildup in vietnam, and i watched this program broken and eviscerated, as if it were some idle political plaything of a society gone mad on war, and i knew that america would never invest the necessary funds or energies in rehabilitation of its poor so long as adventures like vietnam continued to draw men and skills and money like some demonic destructive suction tube. so, i was increasingly compelled to see the war as an enemy of the poor and to attack it as such. perhaps the more tragic recognition of reality took place when it became clear to me that the war was doing far more than devastating the hopes of the poor at home. it was sending their sons and their brothers and their husbands to fight and to die in extraordinarily high proportions relative to the rest of the population. we were taking the black young men who had been crippled by our society and sending them eight thousand miles away to guarantee liberties in southeast asia which they had not found in southwest georgia and east harlem. and so we have been repeatedly faced with the cruel irony of watching negro and white boys on tv screens as they kill and die together for a nation that has been unable to seat them together in the same schools. and so we watch them in brutal solidarity burning the huts of a poor village, but we realize that they would hardly live on the same block in chicago. i could not be silent in the face of such cruel manipulation of the poor. my third reason moves to an even deeper level of awareness, for it grows out of my experience in the ghettoes of the north over the last three years -- especially the last three summers. as i have walked among the desperate, rejected, and angry young men, i have told them that molotov cocktails and rifles would not solve their problems. i have tried to offer them my deepest compassion while maintaining my conviction that social change comes most meaningfully through nonviolent action. but they ask -- and rightly so -- what about vietnam? they ask if our own nation wasn't using massive doses of violence to solve its problems, to bring about the changes it wanted. their questions hit home, and i knew that i could never again raise my voice against the violence of the oppressed in the ghettos without having first spoken clearly to the greatest purveyor of violence in the world today -- my own government. for the sake of those boys, for the sake of this government, for the sake of the hundreds of thousands trembling under our violence, i cannot be silent. for those who ask the question, "aren't you a civil rights leader?" and thereby mean to exclude me from the movement for peace, i have this further answer. in 1957 when a group of us formed the southern christian leadership conference, we chose as our motto: "to save the soul of america." we were convinced that we could not limit our vision to certain rights for black people, but instead affirmed the conviction that america would never be free or saved from itself until the descendants of its slaves were loosed completely from the shackles they still wear. in a way we were agreeing with langston hughes, that black bard of harlem, who had written earlier: now, it should be incandescently clear that no one who has any concern for the integrity and life of america today can ignore the present war. if america's soul becomes totally poisoned, part of the autopsy must read: vietnam. it can never be saved so long as it destroys the deepest hopes of men the world over. so it is that those of us who are yet determined that america will be are led down the path of protest and dissent, working for the health of our land. as if the weight of such a commitment to the life and health of america were not enough, another burden of responsibility was placed upon me in 1954** [sic]; and i cannot forget that the nobel prize for peace was also a commission -- a commission to work harder than i had ever worked before for "the brotherhood of man." this is a calling that takes me beyond national allegiances, but even if it were not present i would yet have to live with the meaning of my commitment to the ministry of jesus christ. to me the relationship of this ministry to the making of peace is so obvious that i sometimes marvel at those who ask me why i'm speaking against the war. could it be that they do not know that the good news was meant for all men -- for communist and capitalist, for their children and ours, for black and for white, for revolutionary and conservative? have they forgotten that my ministry is in obedience to the one who loved his enemies so fully that he died for them? what then can i say to the vietcong or to castro or to mao as a faithful minister of this one? can i threaten them with death or must i not share with them my life? and finally, as i try to explain for you and for myself the road that leads from montgomery to this place i would have offered all that was most valid if i simply said that i must be true to my conviction that i share with all men the calling to be a son of the living god. beyond the calling of race or nation or creed is this vocation of sonship and brotherhood, and because i believe that the father is deeply concerned especially for his suffering and helpless and outcast children, i come tonight to speak for them. this i believe to be the privilege and the burden of all of us who deem ourselves bound by allegiances and loyalties which are broader and deeper than nationalism and which go beyond our nation's self-defined goals and positions. we are called to speak for the weak, for the voiceless, for the victims of our nation and for those it calls "enemy," for no document from human hands can make these humans any less our brothers. and as i ponder the madness of vietnam and search within myself for ways to understand and respond in compassion, my mind goes constantly to the people of that peninsula. i speak now not of the soldiers of each side, not of the ideologies of the liberation front, not of the junta in saigon, but simply of the people who have been living under the curse of war for almost three continuous decades now. i think of them, too, because it is clear to me that there will be no meaningful solution there until some attempt is made to know them and hear their broken cries. they must see americans as strange liberators. the vietnamese people proclaimed their own independence *in 1954* -- in 1945 *rather* -- after a combined french and japanese occupation and before the communist revolution in china. they were led by ho chi minh. even though they quoted the american declaration of independence in their own document of freedom, we refused to recognize them. instead, we decided to support france in its reconquest of her former colony. our government felt then that the vietnamese people were not ready for independence, and we again fell victim to the deadly western arrogance that has poisoned the international atmosphere for so long. with that tragic decision we rejected a revolutionary government seeking self-determination and a government that had been established not by china -- for whom the vietnamese have no great love -- but by clearly indigenous forces that included some communists. for the peasants this new government meant real land reform, one of the most important needs in their lives. for nine years following 1945 we denied the people of vietnam the right of independence. for nine years we vigorously supported the french in their abortive effort to recolonize vietnam. before the end of the war we were meeting eighty percent of the french war costs. even before the french were defeated at dien bien phu, they began to despair of their reckless action, but we did not. we encouraged them with our huge financial and military supplies to continue the war even after they had lost the will. soon we would be paying almost the full costs of this tragic attempt at recolonization. after the french were defeated, it looked as if independence and land reform would come again through the geneva agreement. but instead there came the united states, determined that ho should not unify the temporarily divided nation, and the peasants watched again as we supported one of the most vicious modern dictators, our chosen man, premier diem. the peasants watched and cringed as diem ruthlessly rooted out all opposition, supported their extortionist landlords, and refused even to discuss reunification with the north. the peasants watched as all this was presided over by united states' influence and then by increasing numbers of united states troops who came to help quell the insurgency that diem's methods had aroused. when diem was overthrown they may have been happy, but the long line of military dictators seemed to offer no real change, especially in terms of their need for land and peace. the only change came from america, as we increased our troop commitments in support of governments which were singularly corrupt, inept, and without popular support. all the while the people read our leaflets and received the regular promises of peace and democracy and land reform. now they languish under our bombs and consider us, not their fellow vietnamese, the real enemy. they move sadly and apathetically as we herd them off the land of their fathers into concentration camps where minimal social needs are rarely met. they know they must move on or be destroyed by our bombs. so they go, primarily women and children and the aged. they watch as we poison their water, as we kill a million acres of their crops. they must weep as the bulldozers roar through their areas preparing to destroy the precious trees. they wander into the hospitals with at least twenty casualties from american firepower for one vietcong-inflicted injury. so far we may have killed a million of them, mostly children. they wander into the towns and see thousands of the children, homeless, without clothes, running in packs on the streets like animals. they see the children degraded by our soldiers as they beg for food. they see the children selling their sisters to our soldiers, soliciting for their mothers. what do the peasants think as we ally ourselves with the landlords and as we refuse to put any action into our many words concerning land reform? what do they think as we test out our latest weapons on them, just as the germans tested out new medicine and new tortures in the concentration camps of europe? where are the roots of the independent vietnam we claim to be building? is it among these voiceless ones? we have destroyed their two most cherished institutions: the family and the village. we have destroyed their land and their crops. we have cooperated in the crushing of the nation's only noncommunist revolutionary political force, the unified buddhist church. we have supported the enemies of the peasants of saigon. we have corrupted their women and children and killed their men. now there is little left to build on, save bitterness. *soon the only solid physical foundations remaining will be found at our military bases and in the concrete of the concentration camps we call "fortified hamlets." the peasants may well wonder if we plan to build our new vietnam on such grounds as these. could we blame them for such thoughts? we must speak for them and raise the questions they cannot raise. these, too, are our brothers. perhaps a more difficult but no less necessary task is to speak for those who have been designated as our enemies.* what of the national liberation front, that strangely anonymous group we call "vc" or "communists"? what must they think of the united states of america when they realize that we permitted the repression and cruelty of diem, which helped to bring them into being as a resistance group in the south? what do they think of our condoning the violence which led to their own taking up of arms? how can they believe in our integrity when now we speak of "aggression from the north" as if there were nothing more essential to the war? how can they trust us when now we charge them with violence after the murderous reign of diem and charge them with violence while we pour every new weapon of death into their land? surely we must understand their feelings, even if we do not condone their actions. surely we must see that the men we supported pressed them to their violence. surely we must see that our own computerized plans of destruction simply dwarf their greatest acts. how do they judge us when our officials know that their membership is less than twenty-five percent communist, and yet insist on giving them the blanket name? what must they be thinking when they know that we are aware of their control of major sections of vietnam, and yet we appear ready to allow national elections in which this highly organized political parallel government will not have a part? they ask how we can speak of free elections when the saigon press is censored and controlled by the military junta. and they are surely right to wonder what kind of new government we plan to help form without them, the only party in real touch with the peasants. they question our political goals and they deny the reality of a peace settlement from which they will be excluded. their questions are frighteningly relevant. is our nation planning to build on political myth again, and then shore it up upon the power of new violence? here is the true meaning and value of compassion and nonviolence, when it helps us to see the enemy's point of view, to hear his questions, to know his assessment of ourselves. for from his view we may indeed see the basic weaknesses of our own condition, and if we are mature, we may learn and grow and profit from the wisdom of the brothers who are called the opposition. so, too, with hanoi. in the north, where our bombs now pummel the land, and our mines endanger the waterways, we are met by a deep but understandable mistrust. to speak for them is to explain this lack of confidence in western words, and especially their distrust of american intentions now. in hanoi are the men who led the nation to independence against the japanese and the french, the men who sought membership in the french commonwealth and were betrayed by the weakness of paris and the willfulness of the colonial armies. it was they who led a second struggle against french domination at tremendous costs, and then were persuaded to give up the land they controlled between the thirteenth and seventeenth parallel as a temporary measure at geneva. after 1954 they watched us conspire with diem to prevent elections which could have surely brought ho chi minh to power over a united vietnam, and they realized they had been betrayed again. when we ask why they do not leap to negotiate, these things must be remembered. also, it must be clear that the leaders of hanoi considered the presence of american troops in support of the diem regime to have been the initial military breach of the geneva agreement concerning foreign troops. they remind us that they did not begin to send troops in large numbers and even supplies into the south until american forces had moved into the tens of thousands. hanoi remembers how our leaders refused to tell us the truth about the earlier north vietnamese overtures for peace, how the president claimed that none existed when they had clearly been made. ho chi minh has watched as america has spoken of peace and built up its forces, and now he has surely heard the increasing international rumors of american plans for an invasion of the north. he knows the bombing and shelling and mining we are doing are part of traditional pre-invasion strategy. perhaps only his sense of humor and of irony can save him when he hears the most powerful nation of the world speaking of aggression as it drops thousands of bombs on a poor, weak nation more than *eight hundred, or rather,* eight thousand miles away from its shores. at this point i should make it clear that while i have tried in these last few minutes to give a voice to the voiceless in vietnam and to understand the arguments of those who are called "enemy," i am as deeply concerned about our own troops there as anything else. for it occurs to me that what we are submitting them to in vietnam is not simply the brutalizing process that goes on in any war where armies face each other and seek to destroy. we are adding cynicism to the process of death, for they must know after a short period there that none of the things we claim to be fighting for are really involved. before long they must know that their government has sent them into a struggle among vietnamese, and the more sophisticated surely realize that we are on the side of the wealthy, and the secure, while we create a hell for the poor. somehow this madness must cease. we must stop now. i speak as a child of god and brother to the suffering poor of vietnam. i speak for those whose land is being laid waste, whose homes are being destroyed, whose culture is being subverted. i speak for the poor of america who are paying the double price of smashed hopes at home, and death and corruption in vietnam. i speak as a citizen of the world, for the world as it stands aghast at the path we have taken. i speak as one who loves america, to the leaders of our own nation: the great initiative in this war is ours; the initiative to stop it must be ours. this is the message of the great buddhist leaders of vietnam. recently one of them wrote these words, and i quote: (unquote). if we continue, there will be no doubt in my mind and in the mind of the world that we have no honorable intentions in vietnam. if we do not stop our war against the people of vietnam immediately, the world will be left with no other alternative than to see this as some horrible, clumsy, and deadly game we have decided to play. the world now demands a maturity of america that we may not be able to achieve. it demands that we admit that we have been wrong from the beginning of our adventure in vietnam, that we have been detrimental to the life of the vietnamese people. the situation is one in which we must be ready to turn sharply from our present ways. in order to atone for our sins and errors in vietnam, we should take the initiative in bringing a halt to this tragic war. *i would like to suggest five concrete things that our government should do immediately to begin the long and difficult process of extricating ourselves from this nightmarish conflict: number one: end all bombing in north and south vietnam. number two: declare a unilateral cease-fire in the hope that such action will create the atmosphere for negotiation. three: take immediate steps to prevent other battlegrounds in southeast asia by curtailing our military buildup in thailand and our interference in laos. four: realistically accept the fact that the national liberation front has substantial support in south vietnam and must thereby play a role in any meaningful negotiations and any future vietnam government. five: *set a date that we will remove all foreign troops from vietnam in accordance with the 1954 geneva agreement. part of our ongoing...part of our ongoing commitment might well express itself in an offer to grant asylum to any vietnamese who fears for his life under a new regime which included the liberation front. then we must make what reparations we can for the damage we have done. we must provide the medical aid that is badly needed, making it available in this country, if necessary. meanwhile... meanwhile, we in the churches and synagogues have a continuing task while we urge our government to disengage itself from a disgraceful commitment. we must continue to raise our voices and our lives if our nation persists in its perverse ways in vietnam. we must be prepared to match actions with words by seeking out every creative method of protest possible. *as we counsel young men concerning military service, we must clarify for them our nation's role in vietnam and challenge them with the alternative of conscientious objection. i am pleased to say that this is a path now chosen by more than seventy students at my own alma mater, morehouse college, and i recommend it to all who find the american course in vietnam a dishonorable and unjust one. moreover, i would encourage all ministers of draft age to give up their ministerial exemptions and seek status as conscientious objectors.* these are the times for real choices and not false ones. we are at the moment when our lives must be placed on the line if our nation is to survive its own folly. every man of humane convictions must decide on the protest that best suits his convictions, but we must all protest. now there is something seductively tempting about stopping there and sending us all off on what in some circles has become a popular crusade against the war in vietnam. i say we must enter that struggle, but i wish to go on now to say something even more disturbing. the war in vietnam is but a symptom of a far deeper malady within the american spirit, and if we ignore this sobering reality...and if we ignore this sobering reality, we will find ourselves organizing "clergy and laymen concerned" committees for the next generation. they will be concerned about guatemala and peru. they will be concerned about thailand and cambodia. they will be concerned about mozambique and south africa. we will be marching for these and a dozen other names and attending rallies without end, unless there is a significant and profound change in american life and policy. and so, such thoughts take us beyond vietnam, but not beyond our calling as sons of the living god. in 1957, a sensitive american official overseas said that it seemed to him that our nation was on the wrong side of a world revolution. during the past ten years, we have seen emerge a pattern of suppression which has now justified the presence of u.s. military advisors in venezuela. this need to maintain social stability for our investments accounts for the counterrevolutionary action of american forces in guatemala. it tells why american helicopters are being used against guerrillas in cambodia and why american napalm and green beret forces have already been active against rebels in peru. it is with such activity in mind that the words of the late john f. kennedy come back to haunt us. five years ago he said, "those who make peaceful revolution impossible will make violent revolution inevitable." increasingly, by choice or by accident, this is the role our nation has taken, the role of those who make peaceful revolution impossible by refusing to give up the privileges and the pleasures that come from the immense profits of overseas investments. i am convinced that if we are to get on the right side of the world revolution, we as a nation must undergo a radical revolution of values. we must rapidly begin...we must rapidly begin the shift from a thing-oriented society to a person-oriented society. when machines and computers, profit motives and property rights, are considered more important than people, the giant triplets of racism, extreme materialism, and militarism are incapable of being conquered. a true revolution of values will soon cause us to question the fairness and justice of many of our past and present policies. on the one hand, we are called to play the good samaritan on life's roadside, but that will be only an initial act. one day we must come to see that the whole jericho road must be transformed so that men and women will not be constantly beaten and robbed as they make their journey on life's highway. true compassion is more than flinging a coin to a beggar. it comes to see that an edifice which produces beggars needs restructuring. a true revolution of values will soon look uneasily on the glaring contrast of poverty and wealth. with righteous indignation, it will look across the seas and see individual capitalists of the west investing huge sums of money in asia, africa, and south america, only to take the profits out with no concern for the social betterment of the countries, and say, "this is not just." it will look at our alliance with the landed gentry of south america and say, "this is not just." the western arrogance of feeling that it has everything to teach others and nothing to learn from them is not just. a true revolution of values will lay hand on the world order and say of war, "this way of settling differences is not just." this business of burning human beings with napalm, of filling our nation's homes with orphans and widows, of injecting poisonous drugs of hate into the veins of peoples normally humane, of sending men home from dark and bloody battlefields physically handicapped and psychologically deranged, cannot be reconciled with wisdom, justice, and love. a nation that continues year after year to spend more money on military defense than on programs of social uplift is approaching spiritual death. america, the richest and most powerful nation in the world, can well lead the way in this revolution of values. there is nothing except a tragic death wish to prevent us from reordering our priorities so that the pursuit of peace will take precedence over the pursuit of war. there is nothing to keep us from molding a recalcitrant status quo with bruised hands until we have fashioned it into a brotherhood. *this kind of positive revolution of values is our best defense against communism. war is not the answer. communism will never be defeated by the use of atomic bombs or nuclear weapons. let us not join those who shout war and, through their misguided passions, urge the united states to relinquish its participation in the united nations.* these are days which demand wise restraint and calm reasonableness. *we must not engage in a negative anticommunism, but rather in a positive thrust for democracy, realizing that our greatest defense against communism is to take offensive action in behalf of justice. we must with positive action seek to remove those conditions of poverty, insecurity, and injustice, which are the fertile soil in which the seed of communism grows and develops.* these are revolutionary times. all over the globe men are revolting against old systems of exploitation and oppression, and out of the wounds of a frail world, new systems of justice and equality are being born. the shirtless and barefoot people of the land are rising up as never before. the people who sat in darkness have seen a great light. we in the west must support these revolutions. it is a sad fact that because of comfort, complacency, a morbid fear of communism, and our proneness to adjust to injustice, the western nations that initiated so much of the revolutionary spirit of the modern world have now become the arch antirevolutionaries. this has driven many to feel that only marxism has a revolutionary spirit. therefore, communism is a judgment against our failure to make democracy real and follow through on the revolutions that we initiated. our only hope today lies in our ability to recapture the revolutionary spirit and go out into a sometimes hostile world declaring eternal hostility to poverty, racism, and militarism. with this powerful commitment we shall boldly challenge the status quo and unjust mores, and thereby speed the day when "every valley shall be exalted, and every mountain and hill shall be made low, and the crooked shall be made straight, and
