千文網(wǎng)小編為你整理了多篇相關(guān)的《一年級家長會家長發(fā)言稿(范文六篇)》，但愿對你工作學習有幫助，當然你在千文網(wǎng)還可以找到更多《一年級家長會家長發(fā)言稿(范文六篇)》。

第一篇：一年級家長會家長發(fā)言稿

各位家長：

大家早上好！

歡迎在坐的各位家長來校參加我們的家長會，許多家長還慕名將孩子送到我們學校就讀，這是對我們學校的信任和支持，在此先表示感謝！

孩子進入小學學習，是人生道路上的一個重要里程碑，其重要性勿庸置疑。

目前從我們了解的這個時期家長的一般情況是：

1、對孩子滿懷期望，舍得投入時間、精力和金錢，但由此也出現(xiàn)一些無視孩子身心發(fā)展規(guī)律、特點和需要，拔苗助長、壓抑孩子個性健康成長的現(xiàn)象。

2、關(guān)注子女的知識、智力與成績，但對培養(yǎng)良好的品德行為、學習態(tài)度習慣重視不夠。

3、關(guān)心子女的身體健康，對心理健康的認識與指導(dǎo)不足。

良好的開端是成功的一半，當你的孩子處在人生道路上一個重要的起跑線上時，應(yīng)該作些什么準備？作為家長應(yīng)該做些什么？

一、物質(zhì)準備

除了必要的文具（如數(shù)學的學具、美術(shù)用品等），還應(yīng)該為孩子提供一個安靜、健康的學習環(huán)境。大人的一些娛樂活動，注意不要影響做作業(yè)的孩子。古人說"寧靜致遠","非學無以廣才，非寧靜無以成學",應(yīng)該很有道理。

二、心理準備

1、注意培養(yǎng)孩子的自信、積極、樂觀的情緒；

特別是在孩子剛進入小學的時候，年幼的他們也將面臨許多挑戰(zhàn)和困難。要多用表揚激勵的方式。常言道，失敗是成功之母，但對這個階段的孩子來說，"成功"是成功之母：取得進步并得到表揚，才會對學習有興趣、有信心，為以后的學習奠定良好的基礎(chǔ)。要努力發(fā)現(xiàn)孩子的點滴進步，多鼓勵孩子。對學習上出現(xiàn)一些困難的孩子，切記不要用傷孩子自尊的話語，這樣的話語可能會毀了他的一生。

2、要培養(yǎng)孩子堅強的意志

學習需要付出一定的努力。要努力培養(yǎng)孩子勇敢、不怕困難的精神，培養(yǎng)孩子堅強的意志。小學在學習時間、內(nèi)容上和幼兒園有很大的不同，剛開始無論是身體還是心理可能很不適應(yīng)，可能會碰到不少困難，感受到壓力，遇到挫折。

一個認識問題要解決，不經(jīng)歷風雨，怎么見彩虹？挫折是生命不可缺少的一部分，早失敗，早積累人生的財富，可以早升值，這是人生投資。相反，一帆風順的孩子，從心理學角度來說，是危險的。

作為家長要對孩子多一些關(guān)心，多了解其學習情況，多同孩子溝通，幫助他們?nèi)タ朔щy，遇到挫折要加以鼓勵引導(dǎo)，在這個過程中培養(yǎng)孩子堅強的意志，配合教師學校做好"幻小過渡"工作。

三、態(tài)度、習慣準備

目前有許多家長往往只關(guān)注分數(shù)。其實分數(shù)和只是衡量學習情況的一個方面，要關(guān)注智力因素，也要關(guān)注非智力因素，這樣才能使孩子全面發(fā)展，為以后的學習提供不竭的動力。

因此作為非智力因素的態(tài)度習慣就顯得非常重要。好習慣使人受益終生。為什么有的學生會成為所謂的"差生",其根本原因是態(tài)度、習慣問題。

1、培養(yǎng)深厚的學習興趣：

興趣是最好的老師。保護孩子的好奇心，提供好書、鼓勵閱讀，教給基本的學習方法，采用具體、生動、形象或游戲的方式，提供展示學習效果的機會等等，激發(fā)孩子的學習興趣。

引導(dǎo)孩子愛學校，也是一種方法。對孩子講述上學是一件很愉快事，喚起孩子求學的熱情。開學當天，熱情地陪伴孩子到校，欣賞校園景色，并告訴他這是學習新生活的開始，會十分有趣，只要肯動腦筋，付出努力，每天會有進步。我們學校在讀書臺旁，自古就是一個讀書學習的好地方，環(huán)境是全省乃至全國最好的，隨著擴建工程的實施，今后我們學校在這方面會更具特色和優(yōu)勢。這些都培養(yǎng)孩子學習興趣的教育資源。

2、培養(yǎng)孩子主動積極、努力上進

讓孩子養(yǎng)成時間意識，做作業(yè)不拖拉，在規(guī)定的時間內(nèi)完成，特別要注意不要讓孩子邊做作業(yè)，邊吃零食、看電視、玩玩具，這種習慣非常有害。家長要經(jīng)常關(guān)注學習作業(yè)情況，同時要培養(yǎng)孩子的責任心。要讓孩子懂得，學習是學生的最重要的事情，完成作業(yè)是應(yīng)盡的義務(wù)。

3、培養(yǎng)孩子認真細心的習慣

如讓孩子做業(yè)自己檢查，看清題目，認真書寫、計算等，這對以后的發(fā)展非常有益。

4、培養(yǎng)孩子專心聽講的習慣

小學的學習內(nèi)容多、教授次數(shù)也較少，不會一遍遍地重復(fù)，因此需要孩子集中注意力，關(guān)注老師的要求。小學的每個班的人數(shù)有五十多個，教師在上課時精力有限，即使眼觀六路，耳聽八方，也會在某些時候有疏忽，因此孩子的是否專心聽講、思想集中的程度尤其重要。這是造成學習困難的重要原因。

5、培養(yǎng)自主自立的習慣

帶領(lǐng)孩子實地熟悉上學必走的路線，告訴他行走、過馬路、看紅綠燈等基本安全知識。逐漸讓孩子自己準備好所有學習用品，并教會他整理書包。（幫助孩子掃地）

6、培養(yǎng)交往合作的習慣

要鼓勵孩子和同學交往，一起游戲，互相交流，取長補短。同時要注意教育孩子和同學和睦相處，不自私、不任性。

7、遵守規(guī)范的習慣

家長要配合學校講解上學的道理及基本禮儀，教育孩子遵守學校的規(guī)章制度。如課堂常規(guī)方面有：不遲到、專心聽講，積極思考，發(fā)言響亮等。

四、品德教育準備

1、嚴格要求

全面了解孩子，并幫助孩子正確地認識自己的優(yōu)點和不足，嚴格要求；千萬不要不分是非，為孩子護短。

要利用生活實例、影視作品中具體、生動、形象的東西幫助孩子理解對與錯、是與非、善與惡等基本道德觀念；

在日常生活中培養(yǎng)子女學會關(guān)心、學會體諒別人，養(yǎng)成文明禮貌、愛護公物、遵守規(guī)則等習慣。

2、以身作則

家長是孩子第一任教師，你們的孩子從心理學角度來說，處于特別善于模仿的時期，家長的一言一行對孩子的影響很大。希望各位家長能給自己的孩子予積極影響。

3、協(xié)調(diào)關(guān)系

需要說明的是，教師是人，而非神。他們面對的是50多個孩子，在目前的教育體制下，也承受著相當大的壓力，尤其是我們學校的教師，家長素質(zhì)高、社會對教師的期望很高，家長社會和學校對他們的要求也很高。在安排教師的時候，我們也十分重視，一年級的任課教師都是骨干教師，他們的責任心強，教學水平高。但在工作中也難免會有些不足之處。作為家長，切忌在孩子面前議論教師的不是。所以，希望各位家長要多理解、多支持、積極配合。就輔導(dǎo)教育孩子等問題向他們咨詢，同各任課教師加強交流溝通，向教師反映孩子在家的學習情況，協(xié)調(diào)好家庭學校的關(guān)系。同時也歡迎各位對我們的工作提出意見建議，或如實反映一些情況。

我們不能去做偉大的事，但我們可以用偉大的愛去做些小事。多給即將成為小學生的孩子一點關(guān)愛，多為他們的成長作些準備。每一個成功的孩子背后都有一位成功的家長，教育好孩子是我們共同的責任，需要我們共同努力。因為我們有一個共同的信念和目標——一切為了孩子。

謝謝！

第二篇：英語演講稿手機與課堂

To be the master of your mobile

phone

Good evening

Ladies and Gentlemen.

I feel more than glorious to stand here to deliver my speech.

My topic today is “To be the master of your mobile phone”.

First, I would like to ask you a question: If we don’t have mobile phones, can you imagine what your life would be like?

Yes, it’s hard to imagine…

In the so-called information age, people rely more and more on the small personal belongings.As we all know, Mobile phones are playing an important part in our daily life.They have been used almost by everyone all over the world.As a matter of fact, Mobiles have brought us great convenience and pleasure.Wherever we are, Mobiles make it poible for us to keep in touch with others immediately.We can text a meage instead of writing a letter, it is a popular and cheaper way to contact with each other.We can chat with our friends, read e-books, play games and listen to the radio on the mobiles.A multi-functional mobile is even like a mini-computer.With it at hand, we can surf the internet and enjoy as much information as we can.

However, every coin has two sides.Mobiles also have some bad effects on us, especially on school students.The radiation may do harm to our health.Some students are addicted to on-line chatting or games, which is not only bad for their studies and their eyes but also causes more phone rates.Students use them to chat online and bend their backs, stare at the floor regardle of the teachers’ teaching during claes which seems to be inconsiderate about everything happening around.

Some students even use mobile phones to cheat in the exam, it’s indeed a pity of the information age.

I have a lot of pals to chat with, I have many eBooks to read, I need it to kill my sleeple midnight……they answered so when asked “why do you need a cell phone?”

Excuses!

So it’s obvious that cell phones have been misused by many of us.

In my opinion, Mobile phones are made by us human beings.We should use it properly.Take myself for example, there is an English dictionary in my mobile, it is a good helper for me to learn English; when I travel with my friends, I usually take some photos with my cell phone; I have also downloaded some nice songs to my cell phone.In my spare time, it’s wonderful to enjoy the beautiful mp3 music.My dear friends, we have to admit mobile phone is a fashionable and useful invention.But it is also double-edged sword, so why not make good use of it and let it serve us well? The great era needs us to be the true master of our mobile phones.

Thank you, Thank you very much.

第三篇：演講稿《保護動物》

演講稿《保護動物》 尊敬的老師，親愛的同學們， 大家下午好 我們都知道，在這個蔚藍的星球上，除了我們?nèi)祟?，還有許許多多美麗神奇的物種。我們喜愛忠誠的狗，乖巧的貓，而當提到毒蛇猛虎時我們又唯恐避之不及。這是這些生靈，和我們?nèi)祟愐煌瑯?gòu)成了這個豐富多彩的世界。然而，我們又必須面對一個殘酷的現(xiàn)實：隨著人類可續(xù)技術(shù)的發(fā)展和自身生活的需要，絕大多數(shù)的野生動物數(shù)量在急劇減少。今天，我演講的題目就是《保護野生動物》 我們都看過海豚表演，也聽說過海豚救人的故事。海豚是一種既聰明又敏感的動物?？捎钟卸嗌偃酥?，海洋館中的海豚有許多都死于音樂、掌聲等聲音造成的壓力過大？日本是世界最大的捕鯨國。直至2006年，世界鯨總量為7000多頭，而日本一年的捕鯨量就高達3000頭。海豚作為鯨魚的近親，也同樣難逃厄運。在日本，每年平均有2.3萬條海豚被圍殺。

日本的太地町，表面上處處展示出對鯨類動物的喜愛?？蓪嶋H上，這里也是日本獵殺海豚最集中的地區(qū)。每年秋天，當?shù)貪O民會把前來覓食的海豚用噪音趕到一處隱蔽的海灣。其中一些海豚會被各地海洋館挑去訓練，而剩下的只能等待死神的降臨。在影片《海豚灣》中，屠殺海豚的一幕被真實地記錄下來。一些海豚眼看著自己的親人被殺害，而原本藍綠色的海水也在瞬間被染成紅色。影片的一位攝影師也曾看到一只身受重傷的海豚逃出包圍，但因為失血過多只能在水中一沉一浮的掙扎著游著，直至完全浸入水中。 這些被捕殺的海豚，最終會貼著鯨魚肉的標簽，銷往日本各地。 再來說說我們的國家。中國自古講究“民以食為天”，被國人吃少吃沒的動物同樣不在少數(shù)。 鯊魚是海洋之王，但他們的鰭同樣是一道價格不菲的菜肴，美其名曰“魚翅”。而為了魚翅交易堪比走私毒品的巨大利潤，人們開始大肆捕獵鯊魚。一條鯊魚成熟需要30年，而使它窒息只要短短3分鐘。網(wǎng)住的鯊魚被拖上岸，割掉魚鰭，再扔回海里，整個過程連一分鐘都不到。而被扔回海里的鯊魚有很多甚至還活著，卻因為無法游泳而在很短時間內(nèi)死亡。每年有近億條慘遭捕殺，鯊魚的數(shù)量也在50年內(nèi)下降了80%。 類似的例子數(shù)不勝數(shù)。東北虎因為其骨和皮毛而在我國境內(nèi)已經(jīng)絕跡。近幾年已無人看到集群數(shù)量超過2000的藏羚羊群。在我們盤錦，也會看到很多野味館，而食材則是濕地中的各種鳥類和遼河中的魚。 棲息地被破壞和各種環(huán)境污染則是除捕獵外動物數(shù)量銳減的另一大原因。 朱鹮在我國古代被視為瑞鳥，但因為農(nóng)藥的污染，使得鳥類蛋殼變軟，孵化率急速下降。上世紀70年代，我國最后找到的野生朱鹮數(shù)量只有7只。前兩天有一則新聞。有微笑天使之稱的江豚，在洞庭湖水域40天就死去了12頭。這對該水域原本就不到百只的種群來說更是雪上加霜。現(xiàn)在整個長江流域的江豚不過1200條，而這個數(shù)字也在以每年6.4%的速度下降。 我今天的演講，在坐的各位可能會覺得很枯燥?？墒聦嵣希埓蠹蚁胍幌?，如果我們再也聽不到夏日微風中的蟬鳴，如果我們再也看不見天空飛翔的雁群，如果昔日森林只剩下荒蕪的土地和森森白骨，那么我們所生存的世界，將會變成怎樣一個昏暗無聲的悲哀世界。

第四篇：TheFourFreedoms

Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, members of the 77th Congress:

I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. I use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.

Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. And, fortunately, only one of these -- the four-year war between the States -- ever threatened our national unity. Today, thank God, 130,000,000 Americans in 48 States have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.

It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often has been disturbed by events in other continents. We have even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific, for the maintenance of American rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. But in no case had a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.

What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times maintained opposition -- clear, definite opposition -- to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. Today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the Americas.

That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution. While the Napoleonic struggles did threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.

And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914 -- ninety-nine years -- no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other American nation.

Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. And the strength of the British fleet in the Atlantic has been a friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.

Even when the World War broke out in 1914, it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American future. But as time went on, as we remember, the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.

We need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of Versailles. We need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. We should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today. The American people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.

I suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world -- assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace. During 16 long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. And the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.

Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to "give to the Congressinformation of the state of the union," I find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.

Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe and Asia, and Africa and Austral-Asia will be dominated by conquerors. And let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceed the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere -- yes, many times over.

In times like these it is immature -- and, incidentally, untrue -- for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.

No realistic American can expect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion -- or even good business. Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. Those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.

As a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. We must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the "ism" of appeasement. We must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests.

I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nations win this war.

There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its power, no such danger exists. Even if there were no British Navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the United States from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.

But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europe -- particularly the lesson of Norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years. The first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. The necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes -- and great numbers of them are already here and in Latin America. As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.

And that is why the future of all the American Republics is today in serious danger. That is why this annual message to the Congress is unique in our history. That is why every member of the executive branch of the government and every member of the Congress face great responsibility, great accountability. The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily -- almost exclusively -- to meeting this foreign peril. For all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.

Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. And the justice of morality must and will win in the end.

Our national policy is this:

First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.

Secondly, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. By this support we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.

Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principles of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.

In the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. No issue was fought out on this line before the American electorate. And today it is abundantly evident that American citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.

Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. Leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. Goals of speed have been set. In some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. In some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. And in some cases -- and, I am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.

The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. And today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.

I am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. The men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability, and in patriotism. They are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. None of us will be satisfied until the job is done.

No matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.

To give you two illustrations:

We are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes. We are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.

We are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.

To change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. And the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.

The Congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. However, there is certain information, as the Congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.

New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. I shall ask this Congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.

I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. They do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.

The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. We cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.

I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars. I recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the United States, fitting their orders into our own program. And nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.

Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.

For what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.

Let us say to the democracies: "We Americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. We are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. We shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. That is our purpose and our pledge."

In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. Such aid -- Such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.

And when the dictators -- if the dictators -- are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.

They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to commit an act of war. Their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. The happiness of future generations of Americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. No one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. The nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.

Yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency -- almost as serious as war itself -- demands. Whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations of any kind, must give way to the national need.

A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. A free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor, and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own group.

The best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.

As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. Those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. The mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.

The nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in America. Those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.

Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.

The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They are:

Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.

Jobs for those who can work.

Security for those who need it.

The ending of special privilege for the few.

The preservation of civil liberties for all.

The enjoyment -- The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.

These are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.

Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. As examples:

We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.

We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.

We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.

I have called for personal sacrifice, and I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call. A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my budget message I will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying for today. No person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.

If the Congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.

In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.

The first is freedom of speech and expression -- everywhere in the world.

The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way -- everywhere in the world.

The third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants -- everywhere in the world.

The fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor -- anywhere in the world.

That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called “new order” of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.

To that new order we oppose the greater conception -- the moral order. A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.

Since the beginning of our American history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly, adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.

This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose.

To that high concept there can be no end save victory.

第五篇：保護動物演講稿

動物與我們?nèi)祟愐粯樱兴枷?，有感情，也有它們自己的生活方式，更有自由?quán)。以下是小編給大家?guī)淼膸灼Ｗo動物演講稿5篇，供大家參考借鑒。

保護動物演講稿1

大家好!

今天，我要演講的題目是《珍惜動物》?，F(xiàn)在地球上有許多動物都在面臨死亡，所以，我們不再保護動物，最終受害的只有我們。

而現(xiàn)在，人類瘋狂捕捉動物，是為了什么?象牙，用動物制成的皮毛?不，都不是，是為了填飽虛榮心。為了虛榮心就能對動物做傷天害理的事情嗎?那人類真是太自私了。

平均每天有五十五頭大象因非法捕獵死亡。捕來的象牙會被制作成精美的象牙工藝品。可是，你是否到每一件象牙工藝品后面都有一頭象悲慘的叫聲和悲慘的一生。每當看到一頭頭大象死在人類手里，總有一天，地球會替它們加倍奉還的。其它動物也是一樣的，它們也是地球媽媽的孩子，我們也是孩子。只是它們比我們先走一步，我們每滅絕一種動物，就是讓世界末日更進一步。

所以，“沒有買賣就沒有傷害”。為了拯救地球，為了保護我們自己，保護動物，珍惜動物，還地球沒有血跡的世界。

我的演講完畢，謝謝!

保護動物演講稿2

動物與我們?nèi)祟愐粯樱兴枷?，有感情，也有它們自己的生活方式，更有自由?quán)。

我們不應(yīng)該去破壞他們安詳和諧的生活，我們也無權(quán)去破壞他們的生活，當然，更沒有理由去指責傷害他們。

每當我們的飯桌旁擺上一道道香噴噴的菜，比如：蛇、青蛙、等動物。我們是不是應(yīng)該想一想，我們每吃一種動物，就等于放走了多少對農(nóng)民對莊家有害的蟲。我們更是不是也應(yīng)該換位思考一下，它們都在齊心協(xié)力的抓害蟲，可人類不但不領(lǐng)情，反而把它們當做他們的食物，當作我們?nèi)祟惷刻熨嶅X的東西，他們是多么可惡呀!

如今，地球上的許多生物已經(jīng)很罕見了，甚至有的已經(jīng)瀕臨滅絕了!如果地球上沒有了動物，地球?qū)兂墒裁礃?，人類又將會變成什么?

我想，是我們?nèi)祟惡煤梅词〉臅r候了，如果再這樣下去的話，我們將會成為動物們的敵人了，更別談什么“與狼共舞”

人類，快點醒醒吧!保護野生動物，現(xiàn)在開始，還來得及!

保護動物演講稿3

動物，它們是我們的朋友;動物，我們要保護它們;動物，也有尊嚴;動物;也有血有肉;動物，它跟我們一樣，也是一條生命啊。

人們常常捕殺那些可憐的小動物，在他們的腦子里，只想著殺了他們賺錢，他們似乎已經(jīng)喪失意志。如果我親眼看見他們捕殺動物，我會問他們：“難道他們沒有家人嗎?你沒有體驗過骨肉分離的滋味，你想過那是什么滋味兒嗎?它們也有血有肉、它們也知道感恩，你想過在他們即將被你們殺死的時候，心里會想些什么嗎?你們不知道，有那么多無辜的小動物經(jīng)過你的手被殺死，難道他們有罪嗎?難道他們生下來就應(yīng)該被殘害嗎?難道你們不該被遭報應(yīng)嗎?

你們可以換位思考一下，假如你是一條無辜的小動物，在你生下來的那一刻，你親眼看見你的母親死于非命或你被那些人給殺害了，你們心里會怎么想?你們就會親身體驗到骨肉分離的滋味吧?既然你想到這些，你們就該好好反思反思，那些無辜的小生命就該死于你們這些心腸狠毒的人手里嗎?就算它們該死，也輪不到你們動手。我不知道你們知不知道，那些小生命臨死之前會是什么樣的神情?你們不知道，為什么?因為你們沒血沒肉，你們殺了那么多無辜的小動物，該死的人不是它們，而是你們，因為當你給它們東西的時候，他們會知道感恩。

也許你們會想，就是一條畜生，有什么好值錢的?殺就殺唄，反正還能給我賺點錢，你們這樣想就錯了，不只錯，而且大錯特錯。對，他們雖然是畜生，它們好歹是條生命，對，它們雖不值錢，但它們不該死……

好啦，話不多說，我希望那些捕殺小動物的人，你們早一點改過自新，不然，你們早晚受到法律的制裁。

保護動物演講稿4

我爸爸從市場上給我買了一只小烏龜，我高興極了.

這只小烏龜非常可愛.大大的龜殼，小小的腦袋，還有有力的四肢.讓我疑惑不解的是小烏龜不膽小，我用手碰它的頭，它也不肯把頭縮回去.小烏龜全身碧綠，只有肚子比較白.眼睛比較小，它的眼睛一只睜著，一只閉著，我想它可能是生病了.

有一次，我給小烏龜換水，我把小烏龜拿出來，它卻想把頭伸過來咬我的手，我想它可能餓了，便讓媽媽切一塊肉，我就讓烏龜把肉叼住，可是它咬住了并不往里吞，我覺得小烏龜比較笨.

我很喜歡我的小烏龜，我希望能讓小烏龜多活幾天，但不幸的事情發(fā)生了.

一次我給它換水，發(fā)現(xiàn)它一動也不動，我好奇的把小烏龜放在深水里，我想它應(yīng)該會吐一個氣泡，結(jié)果它沒有吐氣泡，還是一動也不動，我想它已經(jīng)死了.

我很傷心，因為跟它在一起很好，我本來想讓它多活一會兒，結(jié)果它卻在今天死了.

我想人們有工夫養(yǎng)它(動物)，就要好好養(yǎng)它，就不要放棄它。

去年，在夏天，我在陽臺曬太陽，忽然，我看見陽臺前的花園出現(xiàn)幾只小貓在玩耍，還有一只大母貓在放哨，我想這只大貓就是它們的媽媽吧.我把這件事告訴了媽媽，媽媽說：“你要喜歡的話，可以天天給它吃的，讓小貓們還有大貓信任你.“我向媽媽要了一點牛奶還有剩的魚拿去喂它.我剛走過去，看見貓早就沒了，我只好把奶還有魚放在兩個盤子里，放在它們能看見的地方.不一會兒，那幾只小貓還有大貓都出來了，是大貓先看見食物的，首先，它叫了幾聲，好像在說：“有人類給咱們食物了，快來吃吧.“小貓們立刻跑到食物跟前狼吞虎咽的吃了起來.它們一定好幾天沒吃了.

就這樣，它們每天都來玩，來吃飯，日復(fù)一日，它們變胖了，它們已經(jīng)跟我們熟了.

一次我在花園玩，忘了關(guān)門了，回來的時候，我發(fā)現(xiàn)家里有四只貓，，兩只是花的，一只是黑的.我想去給它們撓癢，但是它們都走了，只有兩只貓留下來，一只大灰貓，一只小花貓.一個月以后，只有一只常到我們家串門.

我想，動物們需要自由，不要把它們關(guān)在某個地方，要愛護動物.

保護動物演講稿5

人與動物都是地球這個大家庭的成員，所以我們應(yīng)該尊重動物，不是嗎?要知道動物是我們?nèi)祟惖暮门笥?，我們更加要保護動物，愛護環(huán)境，給動物一個自由自在的家!讓動物們開心.快樂.和諧的生活，讓動物不再瀕臨滅絕!讓我們和動物做一對真正的好朋友吧!

最近，我在電視上看過一部名叫《白色星球》的影片，里面講述的是在北極中，動物們和諧生活的片段。其中包括了許許多多快要瀕臨滅絕的動物。也反映出了北極的美!!同時提醒警示人們保護動物.讓動物們可以更加美好地生活!可是，在生活中，我們又是怎么愛護和保護動物的呢??我們不僅沒有愛護和保護動物，反而變本加厲得去破壞動物門賴以生存的環(huán)境!!破壞動物們生存的家園!

確實如此，動物給予我們許多許多：羊，帶給我們溫暖;魚，帶給了我們食物;狗，帶給了我們忠誠;鴿子，帶給了我們和平.....但這一切都只是為了一個人，那就是我們自己!

有時，我會覺得，我們是多么的殘忍：把小鳥關(guān)進鳥籠;把百獸之王老虎供人參觀;真不知道人們是否想過：小鳥多么的可憐!!它不能在藍天中自由的飛翔是多么可悲;而老虎呢??它本是百獸之王，現(xiàn)在卻被放在這里，讓人參觀，供人欣賞，它多么渴望自由···

唉!!我真心希望，人與動物之間可以和諧相處。愿人類還動物們一片自由的藍天!～

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第六篇：一年級家長會家長發(fā)言稿

尊敬的各位領(lǐng)導(dǎo)、各位教師、親愛的家長朋友們：

大家好！

我是一年級二班駱姝含的家長，感激各位領(lǐng)導(dǎo)、教師的信任和各位家長的支持，讓我有機會站在那里同大家一齊探討孩子的教育問題，多謝大家。

首先，我想代表所有家長，感激全校所有的教職員工對孩子的教育和付出，我們每一個孩子取得的每一點成績都離不開你們的諄諄教誨，多謝你們。

孩子是我們每個家庭的期望，孩子就像一棵小樹，需要教師和家長的呵護和灌溉，說到教育孩子，其實我也有很多的不足，實在不敢誤導(dǎo)大家，所以，我想簡單的和大家分享下孩子在生活中的點滴變化。

有一次我接孩子放學，孩子把衣服忘在教室了，我的第一個反應(yīng)就是進去幫孩子取衣服，我想可能多數(shù)家長都會跟我一樣，當時畢校長正在學校門口，我跟他說明情景，畢校長反問了我一句：“孩子自我不能取嗎？”當時我才意識到，孩子已經(jīng)大了，作為父母我們也該適當?shù)姆攀至?，因為自理本事，是孩子的一項相當重要的本事，自理本事能夠幫忙孩子在性格上獨立，在生活上自立，對孩子有著很大的幫忙。從那以后孩子也開始主動刷自我的碗，洗自我的襪子。很多時候我們都覺得自我的孩子還小，其實不知不覺中孩子們都在成長。比如每一天早上的跑操，天氣越來越冷了，看著孩子們早上頂著寒風跑操，包括我在內(nèi)的很多家長朋友肯定會想：這么冷的天，孩子會不會凍著？我家孩子體質(zhì)弱，能跑下來嘛？跑完操這么累，會不會影響孩子的學習??？其實，對于我們家長來說，都想把孩子護在自我的羽翼之下，期望孩子不經(jīng)受風雨和坎坷，可是我和我的孩子聊過這件事，我問孩子：“跑操的時候冷嗎？”孩子說：“開始的時候有點冷，跑跑就熱了?！蔽矣謫査骸澳阍敢馀軉幔俊焙⒆诱f：“不愿意，有點累?！蔽矣謫査骸澳前职纸o你請假好不好？”孩子說：“不用了，我還是跑吧，教師說多鍛煉對身體好，健康?！蔽液芨袆佑诤⒆舆@樣的變化，

放在以前孩子可能真的會讓我?guī)退埣?，這跟教師的教育和引導(dǎo)是分不開的。之前在網(wǎng)上看到過一則新聞：說一個大學生，畢業(yè)了父母給他安排了一份比較穩(wěn)定的工作，談了一個女朋友，女朋友覺得他不夠成熟便提出了分手，然后他便把他的女朋友殺了。警察問他問什么這樣做的時候，他說：“這輩子沒人跟我說過不。”在感嘆任性的可怕的同時，更重要的我覺得應(yīng)當看到它對我們的警示作用，我們必須要讓孩子學會堅強，學會正確對待挫折和困難。如果這么一點小困難都克服不了，以后怎樣應(yīng)對日益復(fù)雜的社會呢？接下來我想說一件孩子上學以來讓我覺得異常高興的一個變化，就是孩子更愛看書了，隨著高考的改革，大語文時代已經(jīng)來臨了，閱讀已經(jīng)不只是一項消磨時光的愛好，更是我們的孩子今后決勝中、高考的必備本事，我對于孩子閱讀習慣的培養(yǎng)比較重視，可是對于小孩子來說，閱讀是枯燥的，尤其是讀不懂的時候，可是上學以后我發(fā)現(xiàn)孩子開始更加主動的閱讀了，這還要歸功于我們學校濃厚的閱讀氛圍，成語接龍，古詩誦讀兩本校本教材，班班都有的圖書角，走廊隨處可見、觸手可及的圖書，每一天的閱讀課，都為我們的孩子供給了良好的閱讀條件和閱讀氛圍，不得不說學校在這方應(yīng)對于孩子的培養(yǎng)是十分能夠體現(xiàn)時代特點的。感激學校為我們的孩子創(chuàng)造了這么好的條件。

最終，也是最為讓我感動的孩子的一個變化，孩子開始越來越懂得感恩了，感恩于父母為他創(chuàng)造的完美生活，感恩于父母對他無微不至的關(guān)懷，感恩于父母對他的教誨。此刻，我們的生活條件好了，作為家長總想著為孩子創(chuàng)造更優(yōu)越的生活，給他最好的，可是孩子對你說過一聲多謝嗎？也許有人說，我愿意為孩子付出，不求回報，這是我們的想法，我們能夠不求回報，可是，這不能作為孩子不知感恩的借口，不懂感恩的人不會被別人認可，不懂感恩的人不會得到別人第二次的幫忙，不懂感恩的人會被社會拋棄。說到這我想真心的再次感激所有給與孩子們教育的教師，是你們給孩子們上了人生至關(guān)重要的一課，作為家長很難意識到的一課，多謝。